Preamble

Between Academic Theory and Governance: Chinese Psychology at the Turn of the 20th Century

Department of Philosophy, Xiamen University

At the dawn of the 20th century, the discipline of psychology in China occupied a unique intellectual space, positioned precariously between the pursuit of pure academic theory and the practical demands of social governance. This period marked a critical transition where psychological knowledge was not merely imported as a Western scientific curiosity but was actively integrated into the broader project of modernizing the Chinese state and its citizenry.

The introduction of modern psychology was deeply intertwined with the educational reforms and the intellectual shifts of the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republican era. Scholars and reformers viewed psychology as a foundational science that could provide the empirical basis for new pedagogical methods, moral cultivation, and social management. Consequently, the development of the field was driven by a dual imperative: the need to establish a rigorous scientific discipline within the burgeoning university system and the desire to utilize psychological insights to address the pressing social and political crises of the time.

In the academic sphere, the establishment of psychology departments and laboratories—most notably at institutions like Peking University and later Xiamen University—signified the institutionalization of the field. Early Chinese psychologists, many of whom were trained abroad, sought to adapt Western experimental methods and theoretical frameworks to the Chinese context. This process involved a complex negotiation between universal scientific claims and the specific cultural and linguistic realities of the Chinese population. The tension between these "universal" theories and "local" applications became a defining characteristic of early Chinese psychological discourse.

Simultaneously, psychology served as a crucial tool for governance. The state and various social reformers looked to psychological testing, developmental theories, and behavioral studies to categorize, evaluate, and ultimately transform the "national character." By quantifying intelligence, personality, and aptitude, psychology offered a veneer of scientific objectivity to the management of human resources and the shaping of modern subjects. This "governance of the soul" was seen as essential for building a disciplined, productive, and loyal citizenry capable of navigating the challenges of a rapidly changing global order.

In summary, the history of Chinese psychology at the turn of the century is not just a narrative of scientific progress, but a complex story of how academic theory and the art of governance intersected. It reflects the broader intellectual struggle to define the "modern" in China—a struggle that sought to balance the rigor of scientific inquiry with the urgent practicalities of national rejuvenation.

Philosophy Department , Xiamen University

If academic logic treats psychology as value-neutral—emphasizing the refinement of internal disciplinary structures and the growth of objective knowledge—then governance logic treats it as a modern apparatus capable of scientific explanation, discipline, and even appropriation. In this framework, governance logic establishes the underlying foundation for new academic epistemes, while academic logic serves as the reproduction of identity within a specific governance logic. Unlike the Western psychological context, where the relationship between academic and governance logics often manifests as a diachronic sequence, Chinese psychologists recognized and utilized the synchronic, internal-external relationship between the two at a much earlier stage.

The modern formation of Chinese psychology is deeply entangled with the agenda of reshaping the subjectivity of the Chinese citizenry. To discuss governance logic is not to suggest the existence of a psychological domain independent of academic logic; rather, it is to analyze how the academic logic of psychology—whether basic or applied—reconfigures the perceptible distribution of the citizens' everyday experiential order. Only by comprehensively grasping the unique dialectical relationship between these two logics can we attribute the visible development of psychology to its internal material movements. Ultimately, this perspective is essential for advancing the construction of an autonomous knowledge system for Chinese philosophy and the social sciences at a fundamental level.

关键词

The Autonomous Knowledge System of Chinese Psychology

Research on the developmental history of Chinese psychology has long remained at a superficial and externally driven stage. There is an urgent need to move beyond a general cataloging of figures, events, and theories to deeply excavate the underlying logic of its knowledge production, theoretical construction, and practical application. A lack of clarity regarding this logic leads to an externalized understanding of Chinese psychology, which in turn fails to effectively guide its future development. We must look beyond the mere accumulation and transformation of objective psychological knowledge. Instead, through "knowledge archaeology" and decoding, we must clarify the real forces, cultural genes, and internal contradictions that have shaped Chinese psychology. The core questions are: Why was knowledge generated in this specific way? How was Western psychological knowledge selected, adapted, or even distorted on Chinese soil? What are the deep underlying dynamic mechanisms? To understand these dynamics is to understand the logic of the modern formation of Chinese psychology—reducing visible, superficial movements to internal "real movements" and revealing that its development is not a simple linear accumulation of knowledge, but rather the result of a polyphonic struggle within specific contexts. The key to these questions ultimately points toward the agency of Chinese psychology within the globalized knowledge system.

Is our work merely a reproduction of Western knowledge, or is it based on our own underlying logic? Only by clearly identifying the true logic of past knowledge generation can we establish a unique position within the global map of psychology. This clarity allows us to more consciously engage in knowledge creation based on indigenous needs and social realities. Actively constructing an autonomous knowledge system for Chinese psychology is the necessary path for achieving a historic leap: moving from "Psychology in China" (the mere presence of the discipline) to "Chinese Psychology" (a discipline with local characteristics), and finally to "Chinese Contributions to Psychology" (offering unique insights to the world).

Within an intertwined historical context, psychology—as a Western science—was once burdened with high expectations. It was regarded as a prerequisite for understanding society and the "only reliable foundation for political science," expected to flourish in all aspects of social life. From the translation of Western psychological works to the establishment of laboratories, the refinement of disciplinary institutions, and the emergence of autonomous research, the continuous production and application of objective knowledge characterized the academic logic of the modern formation of Chinese psychology. However, amidst the tides of modernization, Chinese psychology did not manifest merely as pure knowledge construction; it was endowed with distinct value commitments and orientations. From Tan Sitong’s call to "infuse China with Western learning" to Sun Yat-sen’s reliance on psychology to lead China toward civilization and prosperity, and Li Dazhao’s emphasis on "healing the mind to save the nation," psychology was viewed as a fundamental path for national salvation. As a discipline specializing in the laws of mind and behavior, psychology naturally piqued a broad interest that transcended academic boundaries. It was expected not only to "strengthen the brain and cultivate good habits" but also to "popularize literacy, promote labor, train scientific thinking, and manifest the national spirit." Consequently, the purpose of psychological research was elevated to a governance logic of cultivation. Psychology was thus employed as a scientific tool for persuasion, discipline, and mobilization. Although the extent of this logic's causal efficacy in reality is debatable, it undeniably became deeply involved in the agenda of reshaping and regulating the nomos—the sensible order of the citizens' own experience. This triggered an active response from psychologists. This "distribution of the sensible" ( distribution du sensible ) constitutes the subjectivity that reveals the governance logic inherent in the modern formation of Chinese psychology.

If academic logic represents the surface structure of the modern formation of Chinese psychology, then governance logic constitutes its deep structure. The former is the visible portion of the iceberg above the waterline, while the latter is the more massive and fundamental hidden dominant force beneath. Governance logic establishes the underlying "episteme" for new academic knowledge, shaping every specific facet of academic logic. Conversely, academic logic manifests as the reproduction of identity within a given governance logic. It is necessary here to clarify the relationship between governance logic and the application of psychology. The application of psychology is directly subordinate to academic logic, which in turn is subordinate to governance logic; it technically reproduces people's life experiences according to this deep structure. This article first elaborates on the academic and governance logics—which are essentially two sides of the same coin—and then compares them with the developmental characteristics of Western psychology. This comparison reveals the unique dialectic between "academic" and "governance" inherent in the modern formation of Chinese psychology and explores its implications for building an autonomous knowledge system.

The academic logic of psychology follows the Western natural science tradition of seeking the essence and laws of entities. The academic logic of the modern formation of Chinese psychology emphasizes the norms and development within the disciplinary institution. It posits that "systematic true knowledge" can "teach people to seek systematic truth." The core questions that modern psychology, originating from Western philosophy, attempted to solve—and which early Chinese psychology as an imported product also concerned itself with—include: What is the essence, development, and mechanism of the mind? What methods can be used to grasp the essential aspects of human spiritual life? And how can these results be applied to practice? These questions produced an "anxiety of influence" while simultaneously stimulating Chinese scholars to explore indigenous psychology. Based on the way these questions are addressed, the academic logic of Chinese psychology primarily manifests in three aspects.

The dominant position of positivist psychology.

20 世纪初的西方心理学并非铁板一块，而是存在诸多流派和方法，主要包括处于主导

The Empirical Tradition of Status and the Interpretive Tradition as its Counterpart

The empirical tradition views psychological phenomena as natural entities that operate objectively according to their own inherent internal laws. This tradition is committed to emulating the models of the natural sciences, utilizing experimental and quantitative methods to precisely manipulate research subjects. Within this framework, psychological objects or events are decomposed into well-defined, granular, and specific problems for investigation, with the ultimate goal of achieving nomological explanations of results.

In contrast, the interpretive tradition—encompassing approaches such as phenomenology and hermeneutics—regards psychological phenomena as inner experiences (Erlebnis) and the temporal meanings derived from intersubjective understanding. Rather than seeking universal laws, this tradition focuses on the depth of human experience and the contextual significance of psychological life.

方法

The overall history of the idiographic approach has been noted by the Chinese psychological community, which has recognized the distinction between these two research orientations. Guo Yicen once specifically addressed the essential differences between objective psychology and subjective psychology. Despite this distinction, interpretive psychological traditions, including psychoanalysis, were introduced to China. However, physiological psychology, characterized by its experimental nature, remained the fundamental starting point. Based on this premise, the academic community at the time generally agreed that Chinese psychology had two promising paths: first, utilizing ethological or experimental methods to document the behavioral development of humans or other animals from conception to death; and second, employing physiological knowledge and methods to conduct experimental analyses of behavior. Neither of these approaches was considered mere metaphysical speculation. To this end, Chen Daqi defined psychology as a science that explores mental functions and seeks experimentally verifiable knowledge through observation; Guo Renyuan advocated for its complete integration into the natural sciences, viewing it as a branch of biological science that examines the conditions of activity, the functions of action, and the processes of development; Pan Shu asserted that psychology must adhere to the principle of objectification, noting that psychological methods are no different from those of other sciences; and Lu Yudao pointed out that as a component of the mental sciences, psychology could become a rigorous science just like physics.

Based on a review of the evolution of Western psychology, Gao Juefu defined psychology as a natural and experimental science. Empirical research during this period primarily exhibited two characteristics. First, researchers imitated Western methods to conduct basic research in fields such as animal and physiological psychology. For example, Chen Daqi used experimental methods to examine the perceptual characteristics of white rats; researchers utilized the Matthews oscilloscope to record evoked potentials generated in the lateral geniculate body of cats during visual field movement; Xiao Xiaorong and Zheng Peiliu reported detailed data and experimental results regarding the accuracy of finger and arm movements; and the Institute of Psychology at Sun Yat-sen University published an analysis in English on the correlation between galvanic skin response and emotion. Second, researchers adapted Western methods or actively created new ones to explore Chinese-specific issues. Guo Renyuan invented the "window technique" to dynamically depict the behavioral development of avian embryos, marking the beginning of an era of indigenous research. Zhou Xiangeng and others advanced psychological experiments on Chinese characters—specifically the issue of horizontal versus vertical reading—by employing eye-tracking technology, tachistoscopes, and cancellation tasks. Their findings regarding the efficiency advantages of horizontal eye movement provided a scientific basis for the transition of Chinese books from vertical to horizontal layouts, thereby improving the efficiency of learning Chinese characters. The early orientation of applied psychology was rooted in positivism applied to practical life and production. At that time, many figures in politics, business, education, and even the military valued psychology, believing that without utility, the value of science would be diminished, and they hoped it would play a role in various aspects of society.

First, regarding psychology at the political level, Lu Zhiwei criticized the shortcomings of Confucian and Legalist political psychology. He argued against the abstract discussion of instincts and the creation of startling political theories and educational systems based on abstract conclusions. Instead, he advocated that psychological exploration of politics should descend to the concrete social interaction processes formed by reciprocal stimuli, such as suggestion and imitation among individuals. He proposed actively transforming social material conditions through this concrete applied science rather than through old rituals based on abstract human nature. Wei Xiqin utilized psychoanalysis to attack educational goals differentiated by gender, paving the way for political equality between men and women (which can be distinguished from contemporary "Confucian social science"). He further argued that Chinese politics suffered from mechanical imitation.

分析

The reliance on foreign samples stems from a fundamental lack of understanding regarding local contexts, necessitating a call for an in-depth exploration of indigenous political psychological structures. Research into the psychological variations between the strong and the weak suggests that individual impulses form the very foundation of politics. Consequently, it is predicted that psychology will soon exert a significant influence on political science.

Regarding the deepening of psychological applications, Yun Daiying emphasized that the possibility of revolution cannot rely solely on idealism. Instead, it requires the scientific mobilization of the internal laws governing mass psychology. One must follow the natural development of the public's psyche and provide support within that scope. Furthermore, psychology has seen significant application at the economic level; as socio-economic development progressed relatively rapidly, industrial psychology began to attract substantial attention.

It is explicitly stated that the objectives of industrial psychology are twofold.

The practical application of psychology during this period was multifaceted, aiming to increase the well-being of workers while simultaneously enhancing production efficiency. Researchers conducted extensive investigations in spinning mills to study worker training and the improvement of working environments. This era marked the beginning of a broad movement into the study of human factors. Psychology began to permeate schools, factories, and vocational institutions.

As the capitalist commodity economy developed, the role of advertising grew increasingly prominent, leading to the emergence of advertising psychology. Scholars such as Xie Juhui analyzed the psychological mechanisms of advertising evolution from the perspectives of both banks and the general public. They argued that a deep understanding of these two aspects would significantly benefit the banking industry. Furthermore, researchers explored the psychological roots of the crisis in the Chinese countryside at the time, as well as issues related to risk governance.

The application of psychology in education was particularly significant, characterized by the psychological testing movement and the professionalization of pedagogy. Liao Shicheng regarded education as the primary field for applied psychology, focusing on how to transmit reading and writing skills to four hundred million compatriots using the simplest and most direct methods, thereby minimizing economic costs and time. Figures such as Chen Heqin, Ai Wei, and Xiao Xiaorong actively revised foreign scales and developed standardized tests urgently needed for the current situation, applying them to educational reform and other fields. This formed a spectacular testing movement. McCall, a renowned psychological and educational measurement expert who worked with Thorndike, remarked: "Before I came to China, Chinese scholars had already begun the psychological testing movement... In my observation of educational and psychological measurement across various countries, China must be considered second to none."

Dai Jitao, then President of the Examination Yuan of the National Government, recognized the critical role of testing in personnel selection. He encouraged psychologists to organize testing societies, extending the application of these tools beyond education into the industrial sector and the administrative departments of the Kuomintang. Great importance was also placed on the application of character and personality testing. Meanwhile, Zhou Xiangeng, Xiao Xiaorong, and Dai Bingheng actively promoted the practice and measurement of military psychology, contributing to the victory in the War of Resistance.

The mental hygiene movement initiated by Beers also reached China. As early as 1930, Chinese delegates traveled to Washington to participate in the First International Congress on Mental Hygiene. The Ministry of Education subsequently incorporated mental hygiene and its methodologies into the curriculum standards for teacher training. Through writing, establishing hospitals, and founding professional societies, scholars such as Cheng Yulin and Ding Zan launched a Chinese version of the mental hygiene movement, which achieved significant social impact.

The Development of Indigenous Chinese Psychology

The development of indigenous Chinese psychology is rooted in the rich psychological insights found within traditional Chinese culture. The introduction of Western psychology provided more than just modern knowledge and methodologies; it served as a "mirror of the other," offering a critical opportunity to re-examine and revitalize traditional thought. Scholars of that era adopted Western methodologies to address Chinese inquiries, seeking to extract and transform traditional cultural elements to explore the possibilities of a localized psychology.

Integration of Traditional Thought and Modern Theory

Early pioneers identified profound psychological structures within classical Chinese philosophy. For instance, Jing Changji argued that the logical and epistemological frameworks of Mohism and the School of Names could be integrated with modern theories of deep consciousness. Similarly, efforts were made to facilitate an internal synthesis between Buddhist thought and modern psychological concepts. By applying modern psychological categories to statistically analyze and categorize texts such as the Chuanxi Lu (Instructions for Practical Living), researchers began to establish the structural and cognitive foundations of traditional Chinese thought. This approach aimed to uncover the inherent psychological value within these classics and construct a systematic, scientific interpretive framework for classical Chinese psychology.

The Psychological Foundations of Ethics

A central tenet of this indigenous movement is the recognition that traditional Chinese ethics are inextricably linked to psychological observation. It is argued that all ethical systems possess an underlying psychological basis. To understand the validity of Confucian principles, for example, one must investigate the psychological assumptions upon which they rest. By examining the relationship between value-based ethical judgments and empirical psychological states, scholars sought to bridge the gap between traditional moral philosophy and the functional requirements of a modern scientific discipline.

Whether a position is tenable must first depend on whether its underlying psychological insights are tenable. Therefore, if one cannot first compare Confucian psychology with modern psychology—specifically the Scottish School of Common Sense's faculty psychology, led by Thomas Reid and inherited by Joseph Haven—one cannot truly speak of developing Confucian principles. These traditions share a common purpose: both attempt to establish moral philosophy upon the foundation of the philosophy of mind. Haven's work, published in 1857, is often traced back as a foundational source for Chinese psychology.

Numerous scholars have attempted to elucidate traditional domestic materials while investigating new materials from abroad, aiming to develop original theories and experiments based on the synthesis of these two sources. Their goal is to integrate the imported discipline of Western psychology into the Chinese cultural context, ensuring that its content is as suited to national conditions as possible and its form is thoroughly Sinicized.

Taking culture as the fundamental basis, these scholars have addressed the limitations of Western psychology. For instance, Xiong Shili proposed his psychological thought as a remedy, providing a sharp critique of Western "scientific psychology." He argued that such psychology focuses exclusively on the activities of the nervous system, the functions of the brain, and the reflection of the objective world to explain the psyche. In doing so, it essentially treats psychology as physics, leaving the "virtue of the mind" (心之德性) impossible to understand.

This assertion aligns closely with the "category mistake" identified by Ryle \cite{Ryle1949}, which critiques the misuse of psychological concepts as physical ones. It is precisely through this self-awareness and confidence in excellent traditional Chinese culture that thinkers represented by Xiong Shili were able to transcend the shackles of the one-dimensional theoretical logic previously established by Western psychology.

As the theoretical logic advanced in the three aforementioned areas, the academic paradigm of Chinese psychology gradually took shape. Professional organizations were established in succession, including the Chinese Psychological Association, the Chinese Association of Psychological Testing, and the Chinese Association for Mental Hygiene. Concurrently, a series of academic journals were founded, such as Psychology (the journal of the Chinese Psychological Association, founded in 1922), Testing (the journal of the Chinese Association of Psychological Testing, founded in 1932), Psychology Semi-Annual, Psychological and Educational Experiments, Psychology and Education, the Chinese Journal of Psychology, and Educational Psychology Research. Furthermore, psychology departments were established at various institutions, including Nanjing Higher Normal School (now Nanjing University), Fu Jen Catholic University, and the Institute of Psychology at the Academia Sinica.

The author has outlined the general contours of the theoretical logic during the modern formation of Chinese psychology. This logic revolves around epistemological questions regarding the nature of the psyche and how psychological findings can be applied to production and daily life. By exploring the ontology, methodology, and praxis of the field, this period exhibited a landscape dominated by the positivist tradition, while simultaneously fostering the parallel development of applied psychology and indigenous Chinese psychological orientations.

The Governing Logic of Psychology

During this period, there was a growing realization of the critical role psychology played in the survival and salvation of the nation. Many held the conviction that any reform of China must begin with the transformation of society, and that such a social transformation required a thorough, fundamental approach. As a modern discipline for exploring the psychological mechanisms of a populace, Western psychology quickly entered the vision of social reformers as an essential tool for this endeavor.

Sun Yat-sen actively called for the transformation and construction of the national character, viewing a new ideal of personality as the psychological foundation for the prosperity and strength of a modern state. This perspective implied that to achieve fundamental innovation, one must first rescue the human heart from its state of drowning. To address problems at their source and work from the roots meant improving the national character to save the nation.

Similarly, in the view of Yan Fu, the development of "national virtue, national wisdom, and national strength" was paramount. His objective was to cultivate the virtue of the citizenry and to aggregate the wisdom and strength of the people into a collective force capable of competing with foreign adversaries. Liang Qichao’s Discourse on the New Citizen (Xinmin Shuo) stated clearly from the outset that for any nation to stand independent in the world, it must possess a psychological basis rooted in the character of its people. While contemporary commentators on politics often recognize the need to adopt foreign strengths to compensate for domestic weaknesses, they frequently overlook the fundamental importance of national virtue as the bedrock of reform.

Every nation possesses its own unique characteristics. There was a growing concern that China's traditional morality might no longer suffice to encompass the hearts and minds of the people in the coming era. Consequently, there was an urgent desire to invent a "new morality" to supplement the old. At that time, figures such as Mao Zedong emphasized that the cultivation of a "New Citizen" (Xinmin) was the most pressing task of the day, leading to movements that occupy a significant position in the history of the Chinese revolution.

By leveraging the construction of this "New Citizen," and adopting the term as a guiding principle, the initial objective was to reform social customs and transform the inner character of the people. The project of "New Citizens Remaking China" sought to transition the population from subjects of a dynasty into modern citizens of a contemporary state, a goal that became a dominant intellectual trend of the period.

The transformation of the "New Citizen" inherently required a modern scientific apparatus capable of disciplining and mobilizing the internal psyche. This political economy, dedicated to the development of the "New Citizen," reveals the unique governing logic inherent in the history of Chinese psychology.

Theoretical Foundations of Psychological Governance Logic

Governance does not merely refer to narrow political arrangements or state administration; more accurately, it specifies the ways in which the behavior of individuals or groups may be guided. The governance of communities and patients involves not only the legitimate forms of political or economic affiliation but also "modes of action" that are more or less considered and calculated—that is, a power that acts upon the possibilities of others' actions. In this sense, governance is the control of the possible field of others' behavior.

Nikolas Rose, a prominent scholar in the Anglophone tradition, defines governance as "the conduct of conduct," or the "action upon action." He further expands this concept into "government at a distance." In practice, this form of distal micro-power extends control across time and space by managing behavior or utilizing micro-power domains. This represents a critical historical evolution of governance forms from the pre-modern to the modern era: a shift from the subjection to others through external control and dependence—which Kant’s Enlightenment thought sought to escape—toward a state criticized by Foucault’s "re-Enlightenment," where subjection is achieved through the internalization of norms and the process of "becoming oneself."

In a Deleuzian sense, this represents the deterritorialization and reterritorialization of the human psyche, facilitating a form of self-discipline. This process points toward the specific ways in which action may be guided, effectively restructuring the field of possible actions.

This form of modernity no longer relies on coercive bureaucracies backed by traditional legal authority or moral standards authorized by religious patriarchy to construct a field of possibility for self-governing actions. Psychology and the professional expertise it produces play a crucial role in the operation of this new form of governance. It does not merely describe human psychology objectively; rather, within the dimension of governing logic, it is deeply involved in the reshaping of power relations that constitute the underlying structure of academic logic. As Foucault suggested, there is no power relation without the correlative constitution of a field of knowledge, nor any knowledge that does not presuppose and constitute at the same time power relations.

Psychology operates on multiple levels. At the surface structure, it provides an exhaustive system of knowledge and a field of possibility for action through distal micro-powers that guide behavior. Simultaneously, at the deep structure, it constructs a new "distribution of the sensible" and a corresponding subjectivity that makes the aforementioned power and its discipline possible. The erosion of traditional customs and an increasing trust in psychological techniques have led individuals to no longer trust their own intuitions regarding happiness, self-fulfillment, or the upbringing of their children.

Foucault’s French compatriot, Jacques Rancière, extends the concept of governance in a more foundational sense into what he terms the "distribution of the sensible" (partage du sensible). This refers to an established order of distribution regarding what is visible, sayable, and doable. For Rancière, politics and aesthetics are homogenous because they both organize a common world composed of self-evident facts perceived by the senses, thereby shaping the new subjectivities that correspond to them.

Rancière reveals that what truly deserves the name of "politics" is the set of ideas and practices that shape this common world. Politics is, first and foremost, a way of constructing a specific field of experience within sensory data. It is a partitioning of the perceptible, the visible, and the sayable. This demarcation allows certain specific data to emerge while permitting or forbidding certain subjects from being named or discussed. It represents a specific intertwining of modes of being, modes of doing, and modes of speaking.

From an epistemological perspective, the pursuit of a certain nomological knowledge—governed by the "distribution of the sensible"—suggests that the logic of governance ontologically determines the premises and boundaries of academic logic. This is because the distribution of the sensible establishes the conditions of possibility for a subject's modes of action and speech. This order of the sensible is committed to privileging the "psychological" through the paradigm of individual autonomy. Consequently, the discourse of modernity elevates the individual's abstract subjectivity to an unprecedented height, while simultaneously separating their psychological characteristics from their total personality.

By setting these psychological traits in opposition to the person, they become objectified and are treated as an essence possessing inherent, intrinsic properties that exist purely independently of us. This is precisely the "internal, silent truth" that modern psychology so eagerly pursues. This privilege, however, constitutes the speculative effect of a modern psychology that claims to oppose speculation. It posits a universality that naturally links many individuals together, yet it remains unaware that it essentially reflects a fetishistic illusion constructed by the dominant "psychological empire" within the distribution of the sensible. Ultimately, this psychological discourse serves to maintain the production and reproduction of that very sensory order.

The mode of production establishes the established distribution of the sensible and determines the framework for the possibility of psychological presence and the plausibility structure of psychological research. The distribution of the sensible in subjectivation is extracted from the opaque gestalt of the mode of production.

The process of self-representation is inherently complex; human consciousness of life is not directly identical to the essence of life itself. As the fundamental determinant of existence, the mode of production does not directly reveal its essential attributes to human consciousness. Henri Lefebvre offered a profound insight into this phenomenon: people do not truly understand their own lives. Instead, they perceive and live their lives through the lens of ideological themes and ethical values. This lack of understanding regarding their own lives is precisely what constitutes their lived experience and their consciousness of life. Sun Yat-sen, through his arduous and convoluted revolutionary experiences, shared a similar realization, which he ultimately summarized as the principle of "action is easy, but knowledge is difficult."

Epistemology: "Knowledge Implies Action" as a Remedy for Psychological Barriers

The relationship between knowledge and action is fundamental to human progress. Consider the internal matter of diet: it is something everyone practices daily, yet many go through their entire lives without understanding its underlying principles. Similarly, regarding the external matter of national economy and commodities, while every citizen engages with these systems, the nation as a whole remains ignorant of their governing logic.

Citizens! What is the true state of our collective mind? Is our failure due to an inability to act, a refusal to act, or a lack of knowledge? I contend that it is not a lack of ability, for that would imply a fundamental incapacity for revolution. Nor is it simply a refusal to act; rather, it is a profound lack of understanding. If we can achieve true knowledge, then the great task of national construction will become as simple as "turning over one's hand or breaking a twig."

To maximize the proactive agency of the national revolution and to minimize dependence on external material conditions—especially when such resources are scarce—Sun Yat-sen elevated "knowledge" to the foundational status of all material construction. This epistemological shift serves as the primary weapon to break through the psychological barriers hindering progress.

The Governing Logic of Psychology

Psychology serves as the most accessible and urgent method for establishing a specific order of "distribution of the sensible" within bourgeois society. It strives to project the opaque totality of production modes onto the national consciousness, transforming these modes into a credible structure through which citizens perceive both themselves and society. By leveraging psychological methodology, the otherwise imperceptible transformations in the mode of production are extracted from the background and converted into perceptible figures of subjective consciousness. This process effectively integrates bourgeois ideology into the self-identity and daily practices of the citizenry.

The governing logic of Chinese psychology is embedded within the historical transformation of this explicit, "credible" structure. It translates opaque modes of production into a transparent experience of modernity that can be practiced and lived. Under the guise of science, it implicitly distributes the sensory experiences of the populace, enabling the possibility of subjective self-regulation and behavioral control. This logic actively fosters a modern subject characterized by self-awareness, self-improvement, initiative, and autonomy.

The Essence of Psychological Governance

At its core, the logic of governance is a "sensible distribution of subjectification," which dictates how specific experiences are constructed from individual sensory data. In the traditional Chinese ethical framework of "cultivating the self, regulating the family, governing the state, and bringing peace to the world" (xiu-qi-zhi-ping), there exists an unmediated, direct connection between the individual and the state. Consequently, state governance becomes a projection of family life, where the boundaries between the public and private spheres are blurred, often leaving the latter as an object of the power gaze.

This unique governance structure results in a dual distribution of the sensible at both macro and micro levels within the "home-state continuum" (jia-guo lianxutong). Within this continuum, there is both a top-down direct governance of individual experience and a bottom-up response to that governance. Macro-power and micro-power converge to achieve a sensible distribution of subjectification. This represents the distinct governing situation faced during the modern formation of Chinese psychology, distinguishing it from the Western model of micro-level self-regulation achieved by individuals within civil society through psychological means.

Macro-Level Perceptible Allocation

At the macro level, perceptible allocation involves the intentional application of psychological mechanisms by state power to cultivate a desired national character. This process is fundamental to the construction and maintenance of the modern state. By strategically shaping the collective psyche, the state can foster specific behavioral patterns, values, and identities among its citizenry that align with its long-term strategic goals and governance requirements.

This intentional cultivation of national character is not merely a byproduct of social evolution but a deliberate exercise of macro-level power. Through educational systems, public discourse, and institutional frameworks, the state orchestrates the psychological environment to produce a populace that is both legible to and supportive of the sovereign structure. Consequently, the modern state relies on this psychological engineering to ensure social cohesion and the effective implementation of its political will.

Top-Down Perceptible Distribution at the Macro Level

The top-down perceptible distribution at the macro level is manifested through "Psychological Reconstruction," the "New Life Movement," and a series of continuous ideological lineages.

1. Manifestations of Macro-Level Perceptible Distribution in Psychological Reconstruction

In Sun Yat-sen's Plans for National Reconstruction (Jianguo Fanglue), the "human heart" was elevated to the very foundation of nation-building. Among his teachings, "Psychological Reconstruction" was prioritized above all else. Sun argued that "national politics is the manifestation of the collective psychology of the people; therefore, the foundation of national construction must originate in psychology." He believed it was essential to utilize deeds that best resonate with the masses to transmit the ideology of the nation-state.

The Lizhishe (Officers' Moral Endeavor Association), personally founded by Chiang Kai-shek, adopted these principles as its core mission. Chiang believed that Sun Yat-sen's philosophy—specifically the "Military Spiritual Education" and the testamentary instructions regarding the moral cultivation of party members and citizens—should be integrated and mastered to form a "solid foundation for psychology and spirit," thereby inspiring the people. J.L. Huang, the General Secretary of the association, clarified that the work of the Lizhishe was precisely to seek this "Psychological Reconstruction." He proposed ten creeds, including "propriety, righteousness, integrity, and honor," to cultivate the mind and body and foster the most perfect personality.

As an "organic construction of the human being," Psychological Reconstruction required a fundamental dissection and thorough analysis of human ideology and lifestyle. Only through such analysis could a "teachable and moldable type" be derived to serve as the roadmap and bedrock for psychological development. This "teachable and moldable type" pointed directly toward the guidance of action, elevating it to a form of "modern scientific popularization and education," the "establishment of a new moral system," and the "transformation of the national spirit." In short, treating the human heart as a target of governance aimed to promote new morality, practice new virtues, and reform perceived "inferior character traits." This emphasized that the key to saving the nation lay not merely in adopting external Western artifacts and institutions, but more importantly, in the cognitive reorganization of the citizens' internal psychological structures. This involved using the credible frameworks of modern psychology to redistribute and organize the individual experiences of the populace, ultimately creating a citizenry characterized by "self-respect, freedom, equality, diligence, bravery, meticulousness, and vitality."

2. Manifestations of Macro-Level Perceptible Distribution in the New Life Movement

The second manifestation is found in the New Life Movement, which spanned fifteen years. Its origin lay in Chiang Kai-shek’s "psychologizing" of the causes behind foreign invasion, attributing it to the perceived inferiority of the national spiritual quality. He remarked, "The physique and spirit of our average compatriots are entirely inferior to those of foreigners. Since their spirit and strength are stronger than ours, they can invade us at any time."

Consequently, the New Life Movement focused on implementing a pervasive spiritual education within daily life, treating the reform of psychology as the fundamental path toward national strength through "rectification and education." Through the biopolitical practice of psychological governance, the movement sought to reconstruct the logic of the people's survival, development, and reproduction. It aimed to integrate individual consciousness into a state governance track characterized by the "militarization, productivization, and artisticization" of life.

Psychologists of the era responded actively to this movement. They argued that "the purpose of the New Life Movement is to hope that citizens act spontaneously without the need for coercion; it is persuasive rather than restrictive." This spontaneity was considered the very foundation of Psychological Reconstruction. Consistent with Sun Yat-sen's teaching that "revolution must first reform the heart," this movement was viewed as a psychological reconstruction effort that transcended time, space, and individual differences. It was seen as the simplest and most urgent method to "wash away our psychological habits that are inconsistent with the modern era."

Its core content is manifested in improving the living habits of the citizenry, adapting these habits to the environment, and orienting them toward modern survival. It seeks to establish a psychological preparedness among the people characterized by disciplined behavior. In essence, the New Life Movement advocates for a proper attitude, upright conduct toward others, clear discernment between right and wrong, and a practical consciousness of self-discipline.

The movement is dedicated to seeking order and hygiene within the overall environment. It promotes the idea that every individual should continuously use spiritual strength to manage and control their own body. In this framework, the body is viewed as a passive object, while the spirit is regarded as the active subject that must constantly protect and regulate the body. The standards for this regulation do not arise from the natural desires inherent within the body itself, but are instead mediated through the gaze of others. This precisely aligns with Jacques Rancière’s fundamental identification of "politics as aesthetics" as mentioned above.

The artificial order imposed by external regulations constitutes a form of somaesthetics. In this framework, citizens actively relativize their own subjectivity, thereby submitting to a distributive order of sensory experience dictated by the "eye of power."

3. Macro-Level Perceptible Distribution in the National Spiritual General Mobilization

The third aspect concerns the manifestation of macro-level perceptible distribution within the National Spiritual General Mobilization. Based on the practical necessity of resisting Japanese aggression and saving the nation, Chiang Kai-shek initiated a movement for spiritual mobilization. In the Outline for the National Spiritual General Mobilization, he reviewed the experiences of the struggle since the beginning of the War of Resistance, noting that while the lack of material conditions was evident, the primary deficiency lay in the unpreparedness of spiritual conditions.

The so-called National Spiritual General Mobilization aimed to concentrate all consciousness, thought, wisdom, and spiritual power toward a single direction. Its purpose was not only to repel the aggression of a brutal enemy but, more importantly, to strive for the resistance effort and establish a permanent foundation for post-war national reconstruction. As a response from the psychological community to these three major common goals—which concerned the very survival of the state—the movement emphasized the principles of "The State Above All, the Nation Above All," "Military Affairs First, Victory First," and "Concentration of Will, Concentration of Strength."

Xiao Xiaorong confirmed that the scientific foundation for the total mobilization of the spirit must, first and foremost, be rooted in psychology. A primary objective of psychology is to investigate how the spirit originates, how it develops, and how it undergoes transformation. Consequently, it is evident that the application of psychological principles is essential for advancing this endeavor.

Hypnology also followed the trend of the "Spiritual Mobilization" movement, promoting itself to the Kuomintang as a tool for military and police education. Xiao Xiaorong defined "spirit" as a synthesis of sentiments, beliefs, and behavioral tendencies. He pointed out that from the perspective of psychological science, the primary goal of Spiritual Mobilization was to cultivate "national and ethnic sentiments"—that is, the emotions of utmost respect, protection, and faith toward one's nation. The second goal was to foster "military and victory sentiments," which required instilling a deep conviction in the transcendence of military work and the inevitability of final victory. The third goal was to cultivate "personality tendencies" that compel individuals to concentrate their will and strength on the service of the state and the nation, prioritizing "military first" and "victory first."

Xiao Xiaorong conducted detailed research into military psychology, asserting that the core factor of military education is "spirit." This concept implies the mobilization and integration of various personality tendencies to systematically optimize their structure. While "willpower" refers to the narrow sense of an individual's self-regulatory capacity, "spirit" refers to the possibility of overcoming individual willpower through self-education. Specifically, it represents the dominant position where ideas and values can govern the intensity of one's willpower. This dominance actually reflects the state's requisitioning and redistribution of individual willpower through national concepts and values.

20 世纪初的中国心理学已经为人们提供

A horizontal knowledge system that guides behavior and its corresponding actions.

This is manifested within the logic of academic theory.

讨论

The Accumulation of Psychological Knowledge and Its Applications in Education and Governance

In the logical framework of academic theory, basic or applied research is often regarded as value-neutral. However, when such research serves as an active response to the macro-level "distribution of the sensible," it is employed to reconstruct and form a bottom-up micro-level distribution of perception. Politically, this process involves the "psychologization" of urgent socio-economic issues, reframing them within the scope of the individual citizen's perceived responsibility. To this end, Xiao Xiaorong explicitly pointed out that the principles of state governance and self-cultivation, throughout history and across cultures, have always been rooted in "psychological construction." In a modern environment, we must rely on psychology to facilitate this construction. As traditional society modernizes, the problems inherent in psychological construction become increasingly specialized; consequently, the knowledge and techniques required to solve these problems must also become specialized. Therefore, modern psychological construction requires the specialized expertise of psychologists to produce the most rapid, profound, and universal effects.

Xiao Xiaorong utilized scientific common sense—such as the activities of the central and autonomic nervous systems—to explain revolutionary philosophy, thereby achieving the psychologization of political and economic issues. Drawing on concepts such as Wundt’s "creative synthesis" (schöpferische Synthese), Krueger’s theories, or Ehrenfels’ Gestaltqualität, Xiao argued that these all reveal the emergent property where the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. From this perspective, a nation is not merely a mechanical summation of individuals; rather, it represents a multiplicative amplification. For a state to exist, its people must be transformed into a collective capable of generating a national entity, possessing a unified national consciousness. If the phenomena of the masses are psychological in nature, then governing a country lies in how to mobilize and amplify the psychological potential of its citizens.

Consequently, initiatives in fields such as medicine and education should be based on psychological principles, with specific work unfolding from this foundation. The choice of methods and objectives reflects a specific "distribution of the sensible" (the partage du sensible). By assigning roles and regulating behavior, these psychological applications construct the perceptual framework of the educated subject. During this era, "Salvation through Education" was a highly prevalent trend of thought. Its ultimate aim, as John Dewey had previously reminded his audience, was the realization that if the Chinese people wished to transform their nation, the most fundamental requirement was the transformation of their own psychology.

Due to the emphasis on the social transformative function of education and the practical concern for reshaping the national spirit, psychological thought exerted a profound influence in early 20th-century China. The most fundamental problems in education were viewed as psychological problems; any difficulties encountered in education—whether regarding methodology, teaching materials, or the physical and mental well-being of children—had to find their solutions within the field of psychology.

At the Provincial Education Bureau Chiefs' Conference, proposals were made to promote standardized testing as a means of advancing the scientific rigor and standardization of education. These psychological assessments served as precise classification labels for identifying individual identities, calibrating the cognitive filters through which individuals understood themselves and the world. Furthermore, psychology was considered instrumental in achieving the nationalist educational goal of efficiently producing "modern Chinese citizens." Cheng Shikui directly advocated for using psychological pathways to awaken the national consciousness of the masses. He conducted measurements among middle school students in South Manchuria...

Xiao Xiaorong and others extensively utilized scale-based tools to clarify the developmental levels of national psychological capacities. By conducting comparative intelligence tests between China and the United States, they provided scientific psychological evidence aimed at boosting national self-confidence. Furthermore, their research examined the national identity of students, exposing the impact and distortion of the "enslavement education" (nu-hua education) implemented by aggressors on the identity of the Chinese nation.

There are no reliable differences in the scores. Regarding mental health, it is not only necessary to establish an empirical order for defining the normality of psychological states, but also to elevate the standard of mental health to a level concerning the survival and prosperity of the nation. Critics of China's condition have often pointed to the "disease of numbness and indifference." If the Chinese people cannot protect their minds, the entire nation will become "the sick man of Asia." Aiming at this societal anxiety, it is argued that "to heal China today, one must first heal the mind."

The merchant Huang Chujiu developed the phenomenal "Ailo Brain Tonic" (Ailo Bunaozhi) based on his interpretation of the era as one of "intellectual competition." He argued that if one wishes to survive within the twentieth century, remain independent among the Great Powers, and leap ahead on the Asian continent, then "anyone who possesses a head and does not wish to dishonor the thousands of years of our motherland's civilization must surely imprint the principles of 'survival of the fittest' within the very fabric of their brain."

Our compatriots suffer from mental exhaustion. In this arena of intense global competition, if we do not seek immediate remedies, the prospects for our future are unimaginable. This is the fundamental reason for introducing "Luo's Brain-Tonic" (罗补脑汁) to China. It represents an infinite blessing for our four hundred million citizens.

Those in China who consume this tonic may find their sense of righteousness and profit clarified, allowing them to make steadfast choices; they may find the causes of success and failure illuminated, granting them decisive courage. For those in public life, it may bring clarity to their affairs, making their actions more beneficial; for students studying abroad, it may sharpen their perception, leading to rapid academic progress.

By framing the issue in this manner, Huang Chujiu transformed the macro-level narrative of racial superiority and inferiority into a micro-level concern regarding individual intelligence. He urged citizens to translate the grand narrative of national salvation into a tangible, sensory experience within the scope of their own personal capabilities. By imbuing a commodity and its consumption with the responsibility of racial survival, he achieved immense success both morally and economically.

The Significance of National Survival

It is particularly noteworthy that the unprecedented Chinese Mental Hygiene Movement, which emerged during the 1930s, played a critical role in this context. One of its primary advocates, Wu Nanxuan, fervently appealed to the public, stating that as China faced a period of severe national crisis, the promotion and study of mental hygiene was an absolute necessity. He argued that if there was a sincere desire to achieve "psychological construction" (mental reconstruction) for the nation and to alleviate the national predicament, one must recognize that the mental health status of the populace affects not only individual well-being but also the very survival and rejuvenation of the ethnic group and the state.

Wu Nanxuan emphasized that social service capabilities are closely intertwined with the overall national spirit, national consciousness, and national morality. Within this framework, the role of religious institutions and other organizations in the mental hygiene movement was integrated into broader governance. Mental health—which is often treated through individualized and technical lenses in Western psychology—was elevated to a critical level concerning national survival and the shaping of a "new citizenry."

Only by grounding the discussion in this specific context can we understand how "mental hygiene" was defined as the application of psychology to modern character cultivation. Zhang Yinian further advocated for starting these efforts in early childhood, utilizing mental hygiene knowledge to structure children's experiential order and foster a robust national character.

Through this bidirectional intersection and convergence, the psychological life of the subject was requisitioned as "psychological capital" that could be calculated and developed. National morality, patriotic sentiment, and social cohesion—redefined through the lens of psychology—became key elements for resisting foreign aggression, achieving national rejuvenation, and advancing social construction. This rational logic, which situated the subject within the holistic considerations of the state and society, encompassed not only physical and intellectual strength but also ethical "mental power" and "moral force." Each of these components was defined as a vital element within the national value system.

As individuals are integrated into the calculations of utility and modes of production, every dimension of their lives—including their most fundamental ethical positions—becomes visible material to be calculated and managed by the state. During this period, psychologists were no longer satisfied with merely performing their traditional roles.

Rather than acting as mere conduits of knowledge, these figures became active agents embedded within specific historical conditions and power structures. They proactively endowed the "spirit of the times" with agency, ensuring that it no longer remained a pure system of knowledge. Instead, they transformed it into a spiritual apparatus used to shape the subjectivity of the modern individual, attempting to leverage it to facilitate a socio-economic revolution. This precisely characterizes the logic of "psycho-political economy" inherent in the modern formation of Chinese psychology.

The Conflict Between Academic Logic and Governance Logic

It is essential to note that the interaction between the two variables of academic logic and governance logic does not project onto the developmental trajectories of Chinese and Western psychology in a fixed pattern. In Western psychology, the logic of governance preceded the birth of academic logic; it created a new individual-centered academic order in its own image and endowed the populace with individualized forms of regulation that became spatially visible and perceptible. Furthermore, because academic logic permeated the daily life of civil society, this regulation was transformed into an active, self-imposed individual practice.

In contrast, the modern formation of Chinese psychology occurred simultaneously with the process of individuals disembedding from their traditional communities. Consequently, the relationship between governance logic and academic logic in China exhibits a synchronic, "surface-to-interior" characteristic. Under certain conditions, the intentional application of this characteristic has even become a comparative advantage for Chinese psychological research relative to its Western counterpart.

The Diachronic Interaction of Governance and Academic Logics in Western Psychology

The relationship between the logic of governance and academic logic in Western psychology is prominently characterized by a diachronic sequence. With the establishment of capitalist production relations, subjects who were originally dependent on feudal communities (Gemeinschaft) gradually transformed into modern citizen-subjects. In 1776, while drafting the Declaration of Independence, Thomas Jefferson replaced the term "subject"—rooted in the context of feudal personal dependence—with "citizen," situated within the context of a bourgeois liberal polity. This revision epitomizes that historical transition.

Hegel regarded the liberation inherent in labor—specifically labor that had broken free from personal dependence—as the first element of civil society. For Hegel, the individual's labor as a property-owning person is the initial realization of freedom; property is the "first embodiment of freedom" and is an essential end in itself. Man exists as a rational being only through the ownership of property. Individuals in civil society prove their achievements within their respective professions through the property acquired via labor, thereby gaining social recognition and achieving the realization of their own personality.

This Hegelian "realization of personality" transcends the pure subjectivity of the Kantian persona—which was defined by transcendental apperception and transcendental freedom. Instead, it generates an empirical type of personality based on private property rights. This shift paved the way for psychology to grasp the concept of "personality" through empirical and positive methods. As the abstract mechanisms of market exchange began to override traditional communities, the only remaining reality for the individual was that of the wage laborer—the seller of labor power—who had been uprooted from the traditional community.

Individualized personality, like a lonely grain of sand in a capital desert or an infant newly severed from the womb, finds itself exposed for the first time to the sandstorm of socio-economic power within capitalist society. Long before the formal establishment of modern psychology as a discipline, the logic of individualistic governance upon which it relies had already been laid in Western thought and reality. This logic first cultivated a new type of personality within the soil of civil society—one that met the demands of regulation: a "governed subject" presupposed to be independent, rational, and capable of self-exploitation.

As Marx noted, such categories are merely the theoretical expressions of social relations of production. However, these relations later became the primary object of the psychological gaze. While the academic logic of psychology appears neutral, it actually transposes personality experiences—which are fundamentally shaped by social life—into internalized, "natural" psychological traits. Through knowledge production and clinical practice, the discipline encourages individuals to actively adapt to and serve the reproduction of the entire governance system. Consequently, psychology implicitly confirms and consolidates this specific individualistic ideology, forming a deep-seated complicity with broader power structures.

The governing logic of Western psychology was established prior to its theoretical logic. This historical sequence has rendered the former inconspicuous, further obscuring the value-neutral universal knowledge it purports to represent. Western science emerged from a metaphysical tradition that pursues entities with the greatest possible intension and extension; it pursues science for the sake of understanding rather than for any utilitarian purpose. Max Weber explicitly noted that a researcher's value judgments terminate the full understanding of facts. He argued that determining logical and mathematical relationships or the internal structure of cultural values is one matter, while answering questions regarding the specific content of cultural values—such as how one should act within a cultural or political community—is quite another.

Under the influence of this value-neutral tradition, modern psychology primarily focuses on theoretical logic at the epistemological level, while disregarding value commitments to social history. Titchener once clearly argued that science seeks pure knowledge and that psychology is a science. Examining the historical evolution of mainstream psychology—from mechanistic structuralism to behaviorism and beyond—it becomes evident that the discipline has consistently prioritized the pursuit of objective laws over the subjective complexities of the human experience.

Organismic functionalism, cognitive psychology, and evolutionary psychology all exemplify a field driven by methodology and technique. For a long time, the "scientific cloak" of pure universal knowledge and value neutrality obscured the fundamental regulatory effects of the logic of governmentality. It was not until the rise of critical psychology and the radical psychology movements of the 1970s that this logic of governmentality was explicitly revealed to Western psychologists.

Critical psychology expresses dissatisfaction with the "technical relevance" of traditional psychology’s focus on formal logic—that is, the restriction of psychological validity to purely technical domains such as experimental design, hypothesis testing, or analysis of variance. Instead, critical psychology systematically departs from the logic of governmentality to directly address psychology's role in the production, calculation, and reshaping of subjectivity. It exposes a sophisticated set of "empowerment techniques" used to regulate citizens, such as the discourse of self-actualization. By doing so, it attempts to map out an "emancipating relevance" that possesses both a scientific foundation and a value commitment, aiming to reconsider the legitimacy and new possibilities of psychological research at a holistic socio-political level.

Simultaneously, the radical psychology movement—which combines critique with political practice—identifies the role that traditional knowledge production plays in identifying with and maintaining the status quo. By emphasizing the public participation inherent in science and scientific research, these movements seek to challenge the established order and redefine the social function of the discipline.

Care and citizen science alliances challenge conventional psychological science, thereby fostering a powerful coexistence between academic scholarship and social activism.

The Synchronous Entanglement of Governance and Academic Logic in Chinese Psychology

Since Descartes, Western philosophy has manifested as an epistemological tradition built upon subject-object and mind-body dualism in pursuit of universal knowledge. In contrast, Chinese philosophy—which emphasizes "following morality and managing righteousness" and "exhausting principles"—represents a tradition of "nature and destiny" (xingming) that transcends mere intellectualism. The Daoist inner alchemy tradition, which seeks to "fully realize one's nature to reach destiny," reveals the fundamental connotations of this study of life. Similarly, the Confucian classic interpretation—"What Heaven imparts is called nature; following this nature is called the Way; cultivating the Way is called education"—highlights the ethical cultivation inherent in this tradition. Both perspectives elevate a concrete, living ethical order to a supreme position.

This implies that the ultimate purpose of seeking knowledge is self-cultivation. It requires the realization of various universal ethical principles as concrete life experiences within the lifeworld through personal practice. The ultimate value goals are life-centered care, transcendence, and the attainment of an ideal personality. Consequently, the essence of traditional Chinese knowledge unfolds as a "concrete universality" of personalism.

This type of knowledge does not lack the universality required by Western intellectual traditions; however, its universality is always integrated with concrete human actions and relationships. Within the ethics-based "differential mode of association" (chaxu geju), universal standards do not function in isolation. One must first ascertain the specific relationship between oneself and others before determining which standard to apply. This personalistic knowledge type, aimed at practicing concrete universality, is fundamentally different from the Western pursuit of abstract universal knowledge regarding objects that stand in opposition to the subject.

By transforming knowledge into "action events," universal propositional knowledge can ground its legitimacy in sensible practice. This process reclaims the essential connection between the subject and the world, opening up a meaningful realm in which people truly act and exist. In this framework, "pursuing studies" and "learning to be human" are not only encouraged to progress in tandem but, more importantly, to achieve a state of integrated harmony.

The epistemological traditions of China have faced immense challenges since the onset of the modern era. In the wake of these shifts, three dominant ideologies became prevalent within the Chinese intellectual community: Social Darwinism, Scientism, and Anti-traditionalism. These frameworks were widely adopted and promoted as the foundational intellectual pillars necessary to create a modernized China.

The intellectual explosion of the 1920s represented a critical confrontation between traditional Chinese roots and the paradigms of Western modernity. Represented by Zhang Junmai, the traditionalist faction viewed Chinese culture as superior to that of the West. They argued that regardless of how advanced science might become, the resolution of questions regarding one's philosophy of life (人生观) remained beyond the reach of scientific capability, relying instead solely upon the agency of humanity itself.

In sharp opposition, the scientific faction, led by Ding Wenjiang, denounced these traditional views on life. Standing firmly on a platform of radical scientism, they sought to reorganize and transform traditional philosophical questions using the methods of modern psychology. According to the "new psychology" of these scientists, the so-called human spirit was nothing more than a phenomenon of material motion. By reducing all internal and external life to material movement, they viewed the psychological and the spiritual as identical.

Based on experimental psychology, they asserted that the human spirit was merely a form of matter. From this premise, they questioned the distinction between the "spiritual sciences" and the "physical sciences." They argued that since psychological phenomena are governed by causal laws—just as physical matter is—it is impossible to claim that purely psychological phenomena are exempt from the governance of scientific methodology.

The causal laws governing psychological phenomena are more complex, yet they remain subject to the determinism of causality. Every psychological phenomenon has a cause; in short, the degree of credibility in the scientific school's assertion is equal to the credibility of the statement that all physical phenomena are caused.

By establishing a solid foundation in physicalism, we can fully utilize advanced experimental methods in psychology to scientifically understand the laws of psychological causality. This approach allows us to resolve the dilemmas of life philosophy that have long been constrained by metaphysics and relegated to subjective abstraction. Furthermore, through a scientific psychological revolution in our outlook on life, we can prompt the entire nation to cast off the shackles of intellectual ignorance and the perils of external subjugation, ultimately achieving a comprehensive modern transformation of both society and the psyche.

Against this historical backdrop, Chinese psychologists were not content to define psychology as value-neutral at an epistemological level, as their Western counterparts did. Instead, they committed themselves to the historical mission of national salvation. Fu Sinian, who studied experimental psychology, advocated for a "deep-level enlightenment" to replace "surface-level enlightenment." He aimed to reorient the emotional modernity of the nation, arguing that "beyond thought, there is emotion; beyond the revolution of thought, there is the development of emotion." He believed that only through the stimulation of action and physical practice could a holistic transformation of personality and culture be achieved. Similarly, Pan Shu, while studying in the United States, vowed to "heal the people's ailments" and "study the books of the heart with care." He later conducted empirical research on the "psychology of the old society" and analyzed terms related to good and evil in the Kangxi Dictionary, seeking a psychological path to improve the morality of the Chinese people and provide a theoretical basis for social reform.

The reason Chinese psychologists possessed a sense of national concern that transcended the epistemological traditions of their Western peers—where the production and accumulation of knowledge about nature were often prioritized—is that they viewed such detached knowledge as secondary in both an epistemological and axiological sense. Deeply shaped by Confucian worldly philosophy and the imperial examination system, traditional Chinese intellectuals held dual roles involving both theoretical inquiry and social governance. They were responsible not only for interpreting and disseminating culture but also for realizing social ideals through the bureaucratic system or local community education.

In this regard, the academic stance of Western intellectuals was markedly different, if not diametrically opposed. Western traditions often demanded a strict boundary between the roles of research and governance. As Max Weber noted, the qualities that make one an excellent scholar or academic mentor are quite distinct from those that enable one to be a leader in life or political activity. If a teacher happened to possess the latter qualities, it was considered a mere coincidence.

Due to the traditional cultural context and the unique historical tasks they faced, early Chinese psychologists recognized the governance functions of psychology earlier and more profoundly than their Western counterparts. They proactively utilized these functions to redistribute and organize the "order of sensible experience" for the citizenry. This led to the formation of Chinese psychology being deeply intertwined with the modern transformation of Chinese subjectivity, consistently weaving together the dual logics of academic theory and social governance. This group of intellectuals, deeply immersed in both traditions, naturally—whether consciously or unconsciously—reintegrated the academic and governance logics that had been externally severed in the Western tradition when faced with the precarious state of their nation. Around the 1920s, a popular view in Chinese intellectual circles held that...

At that time, psychology not only failed to generate significant interest but also seemed to offer little assistance in the transformation of society. Consequently, many people developed an aversion to the field, believing that psychology was a discipline for which there was no immediate need. This suggests that the criteria for evaluating psychology were closely tied to expectations regarding its value in social reform. Regardless of how rigorous or scientific the internal theoretical logic of psychology might have been, it faced widespread skepticism as long as it failed to meet the demands of the zeitgeist.

In response to the relatively slow pace of psychological development, scholars soon began to reflect on the necessity of emphasizing the dual effects of "academic theory" and "social governance." While maintaining academic logic, researchers began to more proactively integrate the logic of governance into the scope of psychological research. Zhang Yaoxiang analyzed that previous psychology had relied too heavily on high-sounding slogans and traditional epistemological frameworks. Similarly, Zhou Xiangeng advocated that what China needed most was not physiological psychology, animal psychology, or "pure" psychologies such as Behaviorism and Gestalt theory. Instead, he argued for the vigorous development of psychology that benefited the national economy and the people's livelihood.

This movement toward "psychotechnological construction" involved introducing and experimenting with modern Western—particularly post-WWI—experimental and applied psychology. The goal was to apply scientific research on human affairs to various aspects of daily life and the national economy, thereby contributing to the construction of various national enterprises. Psychology is inherently a product of culture and society; advocating for pure science without considering the social context is destined to be a futile endeavor. To make psychology truly effective, it had to be rooted in the soil of society. Consequently, Chinese psychology became more concrete and pragmatic, seeking to realize its practical value. Research that balanced the scientific foundation of academic logic with the value commitments of governance logic gradually became the mainstream trend in the field.

The tension between the governance logic and the theoretical logic of Chinese psychology inherently encompasses three fundamental relationships.

First, there is the relationship between Western theoretical hegemony and indigenous wisdom, which manifests as a dynamic of "surface and interior" or "expression and silence." As the dominant paradigm, Western theory has rendered Chinese experience an "undercurrent"—present but largely obscured and unarticulated.

Second, there is the relationship between the superficial accumulation of knowledge and the underlying historical-social drivers, characterized as a confusion of "branches and roots." This is evidenced by a prevailing tendency to prioritize data and knowledge acquisition while neglecting the broader social context.

Third, there is the relationship between the instrumentalization of the discipline and the consolidation of its subjectivity, framed as a "substance and application" (ti-yong) dilemma. When theoretical logic devolves into a monological, isolated architecture, the establishment of cultural subjectivity becomes impossible.

To resolve these three dilemmas, it is necessary to "break the surface to establish the foundation." This requires utilizing the archaeology of knowledge to dismantle the illusion of Western-centric universalism, thereby revealing the transformations in production modes and the evolution of power relations underlying knowledge production. Only by deeply rooting the discipline in Chinese soil can we clarify the value logic chain: identifying whom the discipline serves (the subject of value) and determining which fundamental problems it aims to solve (the objective of value).

Beyond the pure cognitive interest of academic logic, the modern formation of Chinese psychology was deeply embroiled in the historical tide of national salvation and survival. The collision with the West forced Chinese psychologists to undergo a profound transformation, shifting from being moral practitioners of traditional governance logic to becoming modern knowledge producers governed by academic logic. If the individualistic "enlightenment habitus" of the West demands a reconstruction of the world based on the value origin of the inner self, then the Chinese tradition offers a different trajectory.

Eastern culture emphasizes being embedded within nature to achieve internal equilibrium. In contrast, Western psychology reached maturity only after a long socio-historical process through which the individual was fully disembedded from both nature and the collective. The modern formation of Chinese psychology, however, involves more than just the institutionalization of the discipline on a theoretical level. It has occurred simultaneously with the modernization of the Chinese psyche at the level of governance. This process entails the individual being stripped away from nature and the ethnic group—almost by force under urgent historical circumstances—to become a homo psychologicus who can be psychologically explained, calculated, disciplined, and requisitioned.

Academic research often lacks critical reflection on the underlying logic of governance. It is frequently captured by the theoretical frameworks of Western psychology in a one-dimensional manner, resulting in a discourse that loses its way amidst a mosaic of heterogeneous concepts. Without the grounding of intellectual history, such research risks becoming a rootless "discourse montage." Furthermore, a pervasive methodological centrism claims value neutrality while remaining unreflective about the extent to which it serves dominant governing values and norms. Within the liberal tradition, for instance, the study of conformity implicitly warns against its inherent dangers, and the very study of obedience serves as a critique of that obedience.

实验

Academic psychology commits epistemological violence when its data interpretations construct marginalized groups as inferior, restrict their opportunities, or propose recommendations detrimental to their interests. Furthermore, psychological concepts such as "resilience"—which are inherently embedded in the unique (neoliberal) governance logic of the West—are often stripped down into purely academic terms and appropriated uncritically into the Chinese context. If we shape our selves and perform our identities in daily life based on concepts cloaked in a mantle of value-neutral academia, these concepts may indeed become a social reality for the Chinese people that can be described, predicted, and controlled. Unlike the pure natural sciences, the object of psychological research is not a transparent, silent object existing as vorhandenheit (presence-at-hand), nor is it a mere quantifiable value of intuition. Rather, it consists of the social relations (gesellschaftliches Verhältnis) between people as concrete abstractions, along with the processes of their mental abstractions.

Traditional psychological scholars often fall into an illusion: what they have just defined as a "thing" suddenly reveals itself as a social relation, yet what they have just identified as a social relation mocks them by appearing as a "thing." This circular trickery between concepts and reality—which transforms governance into academia and academia back into governance—not only hinders the healthy development of an autonomous knowledge system for Chinese psychology but also obscures the significant role psychology has played, and continues to play, in shaping the modern subjectivity of the Chinese people. Without a comprehensive grasp of the unique and complex circularity between academic logic and the logic of governance, one cannot break through this artifice. Consequently, in the understanding and study of Chinese psychology, one loses the logic of governance within academic discourse, and loses academic logic within the discourse of governance.

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"Between the Intellectual and the Governmental:"

Formation Evolution Modern Chinese Psychology Early Century

Abstract

intellectual perspective, psychology science

neutral value, emphasizing refinement discipline internal structures growth objective knowledge. govern-mental perspective, however, psychology modern device capable scientifically explaining, calculating, disciplining, appropriating mental power govern-mental dimension psychology establishes underlying logic intellectual dimension, whereas intellectual dimension represents identity reproduction govern-mental dimension.

Unlike Western psychology which focused diachronic relationship between dimensions, Chinese psychologists quick recognize exploit synchronic relationship between them.

Consequently, modern formation Chinese psychology invested agenda remolding national characters Chinese citizens. fully grasping dialectical relationship between dimensions track external development psychology internal transformational agenda, establish independent knowledge system Chinese philosophy social sciences.

Keywords

Chinese psychology, intellectual logic govern-mental logic distribution sensible, independent knowledge system