Preamble

The Impact of Awe on Common In-group Identity and Perceived Resource Scarcity

Abstract

This research explores the psychological mechanisms by which the emotion of awe influences social categorization and resource perception. Drawing on the "small self" hypothesis and social identity theory, we investigate how experiences of awe promote a common in-group identity and mitigate the psychological effects of perceived resource scarcity. Our findings suggest that awe, by expanding an individual's mental schema and reducing self-focus, encourages a more inclusive social perspective that transcends narrow group boundaries.

1. Introduction

Awe is a complex emotion elicited by stimuli that are perceived as vast and that challenge existing mental structures, requiring a process of accommodation. Previous research in positive psychology has demonstrated that awe can increase prosocial behavior, enhance life satisfaction, and foster a sense of connection with humanity as a whole. However, the specific role of awe in shaping common in-group identity—the cognitive process of recategorizing out-group members into a more inclusive "we"—remains an area requiring further empirical investigation.

Furthermore, the perception of resource scarcity often leads to increased intergroup conflict and parochialism. When individuals perceive resources as limited, they tend to favor their own in-group and view out-groups with suspicion. This study examines whether the transformative power of awe can counteract these tendencies by shifting the focus from individual or small-group needs to a broader, collective identity.

2. Theoretical Framework

2.1 Awe and the "Small Self"

The experience of awe often leads to what researchers term the "small self." When faced with the vastness of the natural world, profound art, or grand ideas, the individual's sense of self-importance diminishes. This reduction in self-focus is not associated with a loss of self-esteem but rather with a realization of being part of a much larger system. This shift is critical for fostering a common in-group identity, as it lowers the psychological barriers between "self" and "other."

2.2 Common In-group Identity Model

According to the Common In-group Identity Model, intergroup bias can be reduced if members of different groups are induced to conceive of themselves as a single, more inclusive group. We hypothesize that awe serves as a catalyst for this recategorization. By promoting a sense of vastness and interconnectedness, awe encourages individuals to move beyond subordinate identities (e.g., nationality, ethnicity) toward a superordinate

1 西北师范大学心理学院，兰州

730070) (2. Research Center for the Development of Minority Education in Northwest China, Northwest Normal University, Lanzhou)

3 兰州东方学校，兰州

Common ingroup identity refers to the process of assigning a superordinate identity to two originally independent groups. This shifts the cognitive representation of group members from two distinct subgroups to a single, inclusive ingroup. By extending the positive affect typically reserved for ingroup members to members of the former outgroup, this mechanism facilitates the improvement of intergroup relations and enhances social cohesion. In the face of a complex international environment, solidarity serves as a vital force for national development. Consequently, understanding how to enhance common ingroup identity is of critical importance for continued progress.

Through the use of questionnaires and the experimental manipulation of awe and perceived resource scarcity, this study investigates the impact of awe on common ingroup identity.

结果

Perceived resource scarcity weakens the influence of trait awe on common ingroup identity and moderates the relationship between threat-based awe and common ingroup identity. Specifically, high perceived resource scarcity inhibits the promoting effect of threat-based awe on common ingroup identity. These results suggest that group cohesion can be enhanced by fostering awe, particularly positive awe.

关键词

Abstract

This study explores the psychological mechanisms underlying different types of awe and their impact on social identity. Specifically, we examine the roles of positive awe and threat-based awe in influencing the perception of resource scarcity and the subsequent formation of a common ingroup identity.

Introduction

Awe is a complex emotion that arises when individuals encounter stimuli that are vast and transcend their current mental schemas. Recent research has increasingly distinguished between two primary flavors of this emotion: positive awe, characterized by feelings of wonder and appreciation, and threat-based awe, which involves elements of fear and perceived danger. While both forms of awe can diminish the sense of self—a phenomenon known as the "small self"—they may lead to divergent social outcomes depending on how they shape an individual's perception of their environment and available resources.

Theoretical Framework and Hypotheses

The Dual Nature of Awe

Positive awe typically stems from encounters with natural beauty or profound intellectual realizations. It is associated with a sense of connection to the world and an expansion of one's perspective. In contrast, threat-based awe is triggered by powerful, potentially dangerous events such as natural disasters or overwhelming authority. Although both experiences emphasize the insignificance of the individual, threat-based awe is more likely to activate survival-oriented cognitive processes.

Perceived Resource Scarcity

We propose that the type of awe experienced significantly influences an individual's perception of resource scarcity. Positive awe may foster a sense of abundance or focus on non-material wealth, thereby reducing the perceived scarcity of resources. Conversely, threat-based awe, by highlighting environmental volatility and potential risks, is likely to increase the perception that resources are limited and must be secured.

Common Ingroup Identity

The Common Ingroup Identity Model suggests that intergroup bias can be reduced by recategorizing members of different groups into a single, higher-order entity. We hypothesize that these two types of awe will have opposing effects on the formation of a common ingroup identity through the mediating role of perceived resource scarcity.

1. Positive Awe Path: Positive awe $\rightarrow$ Decreased perceived resource scarcity $\rightarrow$ Increased common ingroup identity.
2. Threat-based Awe Path: Threat-based awe $\rightarrow$ Increased perceived resource scarcity $\rightarrow$ Decreased common ingroup identity.

Methodology

To test these hypotheses, we conducted a series of experiments where participants were primed with either positive awe, threat-based awe, or neutral stimuli.

1 引言

Whether it is a waterfall cascading from the sky, a vast and boundless grassland, or a relentless earthquake, such phenomena can evoke a sense of awe. Awe is defined as the emotional experience of the self when facing something broader, greater, and beyond current understanding \cite{Keltner & Haidt, 2003}. It can be categorized into positive awe and threat-based awe \cite{Gordon et al., 2017}. Positive awe is an intense emotional experience of reverence and wonder triggered by non-threatening stimuli, such as magnificent nature; in contrast, threat-based awe is an intense emotional experience of fear and wonder that arises when an individual faces a threat \cite{Gordon et al., 2017; 2024; 2023}. Existing research has found that awe can promote intergroup relations. For example, awe can reduce the stigmatization of certain groups.

The reduction in the stigmatization of people living with HIV/AIDS \cite{2022} occurs because awe fosters a high level of connection between the individual and others or the world \cite{Yaden et al., 2019}, and this sense of connection is conducive to reducing stigma \cite{Brannon & Walton, 2013}. Current research on how awe promotes intergroup relations has not fundamentally changed group identity. However, Common Ingroup Identity can promote intergroup relations by transforming group identity. Common Ingroup Identity refers to assigning a superordinate identity to two originally independent groups, shifting the cognitive representation of group members from two subgroups to a single common ingroup. This allows the positive affect typically reserved for ingroup members to extend to former outgroup members \cite{Gaertner et al., 1993}. For people of different ethnicities, a superordinate identity is the "Chinese Nation," and Common Ingroup Identity manifests as Chinese national identity. For students from different classes, the superordinate identity is being a student of the same school, and Common Ingroup Identity is the identification with that school identity. Compared to previous findings that awe promotes intergroup relations by enhancing a sense of connection, Common Ingroup Identity promotes intergroup relations more effectively by constructing a superordinate identity that transforms former outgroup members into ingroup members. Existing research has found that Common Ingroup Identity not only helps reduce intergroup bias \cite{2020} and increase prosocial behavior \cite{Levine et al., 2005}, but also enhances trust among members of different races \cite{Leung et al., 2022}, promotes psychological integration \cite{2020}, and improves cohesion and belonging \cite{Ufkes et al., 2016}. According to the self-diminishment \cite{Jiang et al., 2024; 2023} and self-transcendence hypotheses of awe \cite{2025; Jiang et al., 2024; Jiang & Sedikides, 2022}, awe may, on one hand, prompt individuals to integrate themselves into a social collective to satisfy the need for belonging \cite{Chen & Boucher, 2008}. On the other hand, awe may expand self-boundaries to establish connections with the outside world. For instance, research by \cite{2023} found that awe can promote global identity. This suggests that awe may facilitate Common Ingroup Identity.

Does awe promote Common Ingroup Identity in all situations? Existing research has found that perceived resource scarcity moderates the relationship between common threats and intergroup cooperation. Specifically, under conditions of high perceived resource scarcity, common threats fail to promote—and may even hinder—intergroup cooperation \cite{Miao et al., 2023}. Intergroup cooperation is conducive to the formation of a Common Ingroup Identity \cite{Adachi et al., 2016}. Here, "common threats" refer to threats faced by humanity such as earthquakes, floods, and pandemics; similarly, earthquakes and floods can also trigger awe in individuals.

Therefore, is the impact of awe on Common Ingroup Identity also moderated by perceived resource scarcity? According to Scarcity Theory \cite{Mani et al., 2013}, when individuals perceive a scarcity of resources, they focus their attention on the scarce objects. In such cases, outgroup members are highly likely to be viewed as competitors vying for limited resources \cite{Gamez-Djokic & Waytz, 2020}, which is detrimental to expanding the connection between the self and the outside world. Consequently, this may prevent awe from promoting Common Ingroup Identity. Existing literature has not yet explained how perceived resource scarcity moderates the effect of awe on Common Ingroup Identity. From an emotional perspective, this study aims to explore the impact of awe on Common Ingroup Identity and the moderating role of perceived resource scarcity. This not only provides more direct evidence of how awe promotes intergroup relations but also summarizes experiences following major crises such as pandemics and earthquakes, providing insights for national responses to such crises.

[The text ends here.]

1.1 敬畏与共同内群体认同的关系

Awe may promote a common ingroup identity. Current research on awe primarily revolves around the self-diminishment hypothesis and the self-transcendence hypothesis. The self-diminishment hypothesis suggests that awe can alter the self-concept; by encountering something significantly vaster than the self, an individual experiences reduced self-awareness and a weakening of the individual self-component within their self-concept, resulting in a sense of smallness \cite{Jiang 2024; 2023}. When individuals feel small, they often experience a stronger desire for belonging to alleviate feelings of loneliness and helplessness \cite{Stellar 2017}, leading them to integrate into social collectives \cite{Chen Boucher, 2008} and develop a sense of oneness with others \cite{Waugh Fredrickson, 2006}. This process facilitates the representation of category membership, allowing individuals to categorize both ingroup and outgroup members under a unified identity \cite{Dovidio 1995; Gaertner 1993}.

In contrast, the self-transcendence hypothesis posits that awe encourages individuals to break through self-imposed limitations, expand their self-concept, and transcend egocentrism. This shift redirects attention from daily trivialities toward broader spiritual needs, providing a more expansive self-perspective that promotes self-insight and the motivation to pursue the authentic self. It emphasizes the connection between the self and the environment, fostering a more integrated view of the self and the world \cite{2025; Jiang 2024; Jiang Sedikides}. Unlike the self-diminishment hypothesis, which suggests that connection with the outside world is facilitated by devaluing the self, the self-transcendence hypothesis emphasizes establishing these connections by expanding the boundaries of the self. Preliminary research by \cite{2023} has validated the relationship between awe and common ingroup identity. By manipulating awe through recall writing tasks and video stimuli, they examined its impact on global citizenship identity. Their results indicated that awe transcends and broadens the self-concept, enhancing an individual's sense of connection to a larger entity and thereby promoting global citizenship identity.

Awe may prompt individuals to reduce uncertainty by seeking order or coherence, encouraging a bottom-up cognitive processing style. This style allows individuals to adjust existing mental frameworks to accommodate new information or experiences, thereby expanding their knowledge systems \cite{Jiang 2024}, reducing outgroup stereotypes \cite{2022}, and promoting connections with humanity and ingroup prosociality \cite{2023}. Research by \cite{2023} regarding awe and prosocial behavior during the COVID-19 pandemic suggests that awe can support national efforts against the pandemic by enhancing a sense of connection with all of humanity and the world, as well as increasing empathy for patients. Consequently, the present study hypothesizes that awe promotes a common ingroup identity.

1.2 感知资源稀缺性的调节作用

Can awe promote common ingroup identity in all circumstances? When individuals perceive that their required resources exceed their available resources, a sense of resource scarcity arises \cite{Mullainathan2013}. Perceived resource scarcity may stem not only from an objective lack of resources but also from a subjective feeling that one possesses too little \cite{DeSousa2022}. For example, individuals in relatively good economic conditions may still experience a sense of scarcity when comparing themselves to those who are even wealthier \cite{Mullainathan2013}. This suggests that even when resources are objectively sufficient, certain cues related to scarcity can trigger a subjective sense of deprivation \cite{Roux2015}.

As observed during the COVID-19 pandemic, exposure to misinformation regarding the shortage of medical supplies led people to perceive resource scarcity despite an objectively adequate supply \cite{Miao2023}. According to scarcity theory \cite{Mani2013}, when resource scarcity is perceived, individuals focus on groups relevant to that scarcity rather than on a shared intergroup destiny. Perceived scarcity directs an individual's attention toward domains where scarcity is salient, forcing a focus on immediate interests \cite{Mani2013, Mani2012}. Compared to conditions of low perceived scarcity, high perceived scarcity causes attention to be concentrated on resource acquisition and survival needs, leading to reduced resource allocation to others \cite{Cui2022} and increased selfishness \cite{Roux2015}. On one hand, this implicitly prevents the emergence of a "small self" and leads individuals to view members of other groups as rivals competing for limited resources \cite{Gamez-Djokic2020}, thereby reducing intergroup cooperation \cite{Miao2023} and weakening common ingroup identity. On the other hand, under conditions of perceived shortage, individuals exhibit stronger egocentrism \cite{Roux2015}. By focusing intensely on immediate resource deficits, it becomes difficult to shift attention toward broader spiritual needs or engage in profound self-exploration. Consequently, individuals fail to expand their self-boundaries or establish connections with the outside world, hindering the formation of a common ingroup identity.

Under conditions of low perceived resource scarcity, the experience of awe induces a sense of a "small self," which connects the individual to others \cite{Stellar2017}. This state breaks down self-imposed limitations, transcends self-boundaries, and expands the self-concept. By enhancing the representation of category membership within the self-concept, awe facilitates the recategorization of independent groups into a single, inclusive superordinate group \cite{Gaertner1993}. Conversely, high perceived resource scarcity is expected to weaken the promotional effect of awe on common ingroup identity. This research first explores the relationships between trait awe, common ingroup identity, and perceived resource scarcity through a questionnaire survey. Subsequently, awe is induced via video priming while perceived resource scarcity is manipulated to examine their interaction. Finally, building on the evidence for awe's role in promoting common ingroup identity, a recall-writing paradigm is employed alongside the Chinese National Identity Scale to further investigate how awe and perceived resource scarcity interact to influence common ingroup identity.

2 研究

The Relationship Between Trait Awe, Common Ingroup Identity, and Perceived Resource Scarcity

This study utilizes a questionnaire-based survey to investigate the complex relationships between trait awe, common ingroup identity, and perceived resource scarcity. By examining these variables, we aim to understand how individual psychological traits and social identity perceptions interact with the subjective experience of resource availability.

Introduction

In the field of social psychology, the emotion of awe—characterized by a sense of vastness and a need for accommodation—has been shown to significantly influence prosocial behavior and collective identity. Trait awe refers to an individual's stable predisposition to experience this emotion across various contexts. Recent research suggests that such experiences may broaden an individual's social perspective, potentially fostering a "common ingroup identity" that transcends narrow group boundaries.

However, these social-psychological processes do not occur in a vacuum. The perception of resource scarcity—the subjective feeling that one's environment lacks sufficient material or social resources—often acts as a critical boundary condition for social cohesion. When resources are perceived as scarce, individuals may become more protective of their immediate "ingroup," potentially undermining the formation of a broader, more inclusive common identity.

Research Objectives

The primary objective of this research is to explore the mechanism through which trait awe influences the formation of a common ingroup identity and to determine whether perceived resource scarcity moderates this relationship. Specifically, the study addresses the following questions:

1. To what extent does trait awe predict a stronger sense of common ingroup identity among individuals?
2. How does the perception of resource scarcity influence an individual's willingness to adopt a broader social identity?
3. Does perceived resource scarcity weaken the positive effect of trait awe on common ingroup identity?

Methodology

To test these relationships, we conducted a quantitative survey among a diverse sample of participants. The survey instrument included validated scales to measure the three core constructs:

• Trait Awe: Measured using the Dispositional Positive Emotion Scale (DPES), specifically the awe subscale, which assesses the frequency and intensity with which individuals experience awe in their daily lives.
• Common Ingroup Identity: Assessed through scales measuring the degree to which individuals categorize themselves and others as members of a single, inclusive group rather than separate, competing groups.
• Perceived Resource Scarcity: Evaluated using

2.1 研究对象

This study utilized G*Power 3.1 \cite{Faul2009} to estimate the required sample size. Following the research parameters established by Preston \cite{Preston2017}, with a significance level of $\alpha = 0.05$ and a medium effect size ($f = 0.25$), it was determined that a minimum of 128 participants was required to achieve a statistical power of $1 - \beta = 0.80$. The actual recruited sample consisted of 154 participants; however, after excluding invalid responses—including incomplete surveys, excessively short completion times, and patterned or irregular answering behaviors—the final dataset was refined.

The final valid dataset comprised 142 participants, including a small proportion of ethnic minority individuals. To ensure the robustness of the findings obtained from this sample size, a sensitivity analysis was conducted. The results indicated that at a false positive rate of $\alpha = 0.05$, the current sample size provides sufficient statistical power.

Specifically, the analysis demonstrated that the study is capable of detecting effect sizes of $f = 0.15$ or larger.

2.2 测量工具

Measures

Dispositional Awe Scale

Drawing on the research of Xin Zhiyong et al. (2021), this study utilized the Awe subscale from the Dispositional Positive Emotion Scales (DPES) developed by Shiota et al. (2006). The scale consists of a series of descriptions related to the experience of awe, such as "I often feel awe" and "I am surrounded by beauty." Participants responded using a Likert scale ranging from "Strongly Disagree" to "Strongly Agree," where higher scores indicate a higher level of dispositional awe. In the present study, the internal consistency coefficient ($\alpha$) for this scale was [VALUE].

Common Ingroup Identity Scale

Following the methodology of Zhou Tianshuang et al. (2018), we employed an adapted version of the Common Ingroup Identity Scale \cite{Cakal2016, Ufkes2015}. The items were modified to fit the specific context of this study, focusing on the common ingroup of "students of this university." Sample items include: "In our school, students of both my own ethnic group and other ethnic groups are all members of this university," "As a student of this school, I feel very happy," and "The identity of being a student of this university is very important to me, regardless of ethnic background." The scale utilized a response format ranging from "Strongly Disagree" to "Strongly Agree." In this study, the correlation coefficient between the two items was [VALUE].

Perceived Resource Scarcity

Perceived resource scarcity was measured using items adapted from Pitesa et al. (2018). This scale assesses the perceived lack of essential resources, with items such as "Basic resources are scarce." Participants indicated their level of agreement on a scale from "Strongly Disagree" to "Strongly Agree." Higher scores represent a higher degree of perceived resource scarcity. The internal consistency coefficient for the questionnaire in this study was [VALUE].

2.3 结果

Common Method Bias Test: Exploratory factor analysis was conducted to test for potential common method bias. All items in the questionnaire were included in the exploratory factor analysis. The results indicated that the first common factor accounted for 34.59% of the total variance, which is below the critical threshold of 40%. Therefore, there is no significant common method bias in the variables involved in this study.

Descriptive Statistics and Correlation Analysis: The results of the descriptive statistics and correlation analysis for each variable are presented in [TABLE:1].

5. 感知资源稀缺性

Note: *** $p < 0.001$, * $p < 0.05$; Gender: Male = 0, Female = 1.

The moderating role of perceived resource scarcity was examined using the PROCESS macro. To test the moderating effect, all predictor variables were standardized. Awe was designated as the independent variable, common ingroup identity as the dependent variable, and perceived resource scarcity as the moderator. The results of the analysis investigating the moderating effect of perceived resource scarcity on the relationship between awe and common ingroup identity are presented in [TABLE:N].

Note: *** $p < 0.001$, * $p < 0.05$; all tests are two-tailed.

Awe positively predicted common ingroup identity, and perceived resource scarcity significantly moderated this relationship. Further simple slope analysis revealed that in the low perceived resource scarcity group, awe was a strong positive predictor of common ingroup identity. In the high perceived resource scarcity group, awe still positively predicted common ingroup identity, but the strength of this relationship was significantly weakened. These findings suggest that high perceived resource scarcity diminishes the positive predictive effect of awe on common ingroup identity.

Interaction plot of the moderating effect on common ingroup identity.

2.4 讨论

This study investigated the relationships between trait awe, perceived resource scarcity, and common ingroup identity. The results indicated that trait awe positively predicts common ingroup identity. Furthermore, perceived resource scarcity was found to play a moderating role in this relationship; specifically, compared to conditions of low perceived resource scarcity, high perceived resource scarcity buffered (weakened) the positive predictive effect of trait awe on common ingroup identity.

However, as the initial study examined these relationships through a correlational questionnaire design, it could not establish a causal link regarding the impact of awe on common ingroup identity. To address this limitation, the current research further investigated the facilitative effect of awe on common ingroup identity and the moderating role of perceived resource scarcity by experimentally manipulating both awe and perceived resource scarcity.

3 研究

The Impact of Status Awe on Common Ingroup Identity: The Moderating Role of Perceived Resource Scarcity

Abstract

This study investigates the influence of status awe on common ingroup identity and explores the moderating role of perceived resource scarcity. Participants were tasked with reading articles detailing the scarcity of medical resources within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic to manipulate their perception of resource scarcity. The research further examines how these perceptions interact with the experience of awe to shape the formation and strength of a common ingroup identity.

Introduction

In the field of social psychology, understanding the mechanisms that foster social cohesion and collective identity is of paramount importance. Status awe—a complex emotion experienced when encountering individuals of high social status or prestige—has been theorized to influence how individuals categorize themselves and others within social hierarchies. However, the extent to which this emotion promotes a "common ingroup identity" may depend heavily on the environmental context, particularly the perceived availability of essential resources.

Methodology

To examine these dynamics, an experimental design was employed where participants were randomly assigned to different conditions. The primary manipulation involved the perception of resource scarcity. Participants in the experimental group were required to read a series of reports and articles describing the severe shortage of medical supplies, hospital beds, and healthcare personnel during the peak of the pandemic. This served to heighten their "perceived resource scarcity."

Following this manipulation, status awe was induced and measured to observe its effect on common ingroup identity. Common ingroup identity refers to the process by which members of different groups (e.g., "us" vs. "them") recategorize themselves as members of a single, more inclusive social entity (e.g., "we").

Results and Discussion

The preliminary findings suggest that status awe significantly predicts the adoption of a common ingroup identity. When individuals experience awe toward high-status figures who represent collective leadership or expertise, they are more likely to transcend narrow group boundaries.

However, this relationship is significantly moderated by perceived resource scarcity. In environments where resources are perceived as abundant, status awe strongly facilitates the formation of a common ingroup identity. Conversely, when participants perceive resources to be scarce—as prompted by the pandemic-related readings—the prosocial effects of status awe may be attenuated. Under conditions of high scarcity, individuals may prioritize immediate ingroup survival or competitive categorization over the formation of a broader, inclusive identity.

[TABLE:1]

The results indicate that while status awe is a powerful tool

3.1 样本和设计

This study employed a two-factor between-subjects design: Threat-based Awe (Threat-based Awe vs. Control) $\times$ Perceived Resource Scarcity (High vs. Low). The dependent variable was measured using scores from the Common Ingroup Identity Scale.

We utilized G*Power 3.1 \cite{Faul2009} to estimate the required sample size based on related research by \cite{Preston2017}. With a significance level of $\alpha = 0.05$ and a medium effect size ($f = 0.25$), the power analysis indicated that a minimum of 128 participants was required to achieve a statistical power of $1 - \beta = 0.80$. The actual study recruited 184 participants. After excluding data from participants who failed to complete the survey, exhibited excessively short response times, or provided patterned responses, the final valid dataset consisted of 162 participants. A post-hoc sensitivity analysis revealed that this sample size provided a statistical power of 91.47% to detect the hypothesized effects. The participants' ages ranged from 18 to 25 years.

The sensitivity analysis further demonstrated that, given a 5% false positive rate, the study maintained sufficient power to detect effect sizes of $\eta_p^2 = 0.06$ or larger. Participants were distributed across the experimental conditions as follows: 41 in the Threat-based Awe/High Resource Scarcity group, 40 in the Threat-based Awe/Low Resource Scarcity group, 41 in the Control/High Resource Scarcity group, and 40 in the Control/Low Resource Scarcity group. All participants volunteered for the experiment, possessed normal or corrected-to-normal vision, and reported no cognitive impairments. Informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to the experiment, and they received monetary compensation upon completion.

3.2 实验材料和流程

The video-watching task was employed to manipulate the experience of awe (2015). Participants in the positive awe group viewed a clip from One Amazing Day featuring beautiful natural landscapes. In contrast, the threat-based awe group viewed content depicting earthquakes, while the control group watched a segment on the assembly process of a wooden wardrobe (Liu Zhenhui et al., 2022). Each video lasted approximately 3 minutes. Following the video, participants completed an emotion self-report scale adapted from Gross and Levenson (1995) for the manipulation check. Participants were asked to rate their experience of awe and other emotions on a 7-point Likert scale (1 = "not at all" to 7 = "completely"). The correlation coefficient for awe was 0.54. "Joy" and "happiness" were averaged to represent positive emotions ($\alpha = 0.85$), while "fear" and "anxiety" were averaged to represent negative emotions (correlation coefficient = 0.76; Wang Guofang et al., 2019). Subsequently, perceived resource scarcity was manipulated using a mock news article (Pereira et al., 2022). Participants were randomly assigned to either a high or low perceived resource scarcity group. In the high perceived resource scarcity condition, participants read the following:

"In 2022, the average nation possessed deficient pandemic-related medical resources. Globally, the average medical resources available for pandemics could only meet the needs of 19.60% of citizens; therefore, medical resources for responding to pandemics are extremely scarce across all countries."

In the low perceived resource scarcity condition, participants read the following: "In 2022, the average nation possessed sufficient pandemic-related medical resources. Globally, the average medical resources available for pandemics could meet the needs of 112.80% of citizens; therefore, medical resources for responding to pandemics are highly adequate across all countries." Following the manipulation, a manipulation check was conducted using items measuring perceived resource scarcity (e.g., "I feel that resources are currently very scarce"), which yielded a Cronbach’s alpha coefficient of 0.88. Finally, participants completed the Common Ingroup Identity Scale (where the correlation coefficient between the two items was 0.56) and provided demographic information such as age and gender.

3.3 结果

A single-factor analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted with emotional priming as the independent variable and participants' levels of awe, positive emotion, and negative emotion as the dependent variables. The results revealed significant differences in awe across the positive awe group, the threat-based awe group, and the control group ($F(2, 177) = 18.22, p < 0.001, \eta_p^2 = 0.17$). Post-hoc multiple comparisons indicated that the awe experience scores in the positive awe group ($M = 4.77, SD = 1.33$) were significantly higher than those in the control group ($M = 3.51, SD = 1.59, p_{Bonferroni} < 0.001, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.86$). Similarly, the awe experience scores in the threat-based awe group ($M = 4.75, SD = 1.37$) were also significantly higher than those in the control group ($p_{Bonferroni} < 0.001, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.83$).

No significant difference in awe was observed between the positive awe group and the threat-based awe group ($p_{Bonferroni} = 0.999$). However, significant differences were found among the positive awe, threat-based awe, and control groups regarding positive emotion ($F(2, 177) = 11.47, p < 0.001, \eta_p^2 = 0.11$). Specifically, the positive emotion scores in the positive awe group ($M = 4.20, SD = 1.48$) were significantly higher than those in both the threat-based awe group ($M = 2.83, SD = 2.05, p_{Tamhane} < 0.001, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.77$) and the control group ($M = 3.52, SD = 1.53, p_{Tamhane} = 0.045, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.45$). Furthermore, significant differences in negative emotion were observed across the three groups ($F(2, 177) = 48.97, p < 0.001, \eta_p^2 = 0.36$). The negative emotion scores in the threat-based awe group ($M = 4.30, SD = 1.55$) were significantly higher than those in the positive awe group ($M = 2.22, SD = 1.28, p_{Bonferroni} < 0.001, \text{Cohen's } d = 1.46$) and the control group ($M = 2.35, SD = 1.38, p_{Bonferroni} < 0.001, \text{Cohen's } d = 1.33$). These findings confirm that the manipulations for positive awe and threat-based awe were successful. Finally, a between-subjects ANOVA was performed using the perceived resource scarcity manipulation check as the dependent variable to examine the effects of threat-based awe and high versus low perceived resource scarcity.

结果

The main effect of perceived resource scarcity was significant ($p < 0.001$), indicating that resources were perceived as scarcer in the high-scarcity condition. There was no significant interaction between awe and perceived resource scarcity, suggesting that the manipulation of perceived resource scarcity was successful. To test for differences in the specific emotions elicited by the different awe conditions, a one-way ANOVA was conducted with awe as the independent variable. The results revealed significant differences between threat-based awe, the control group, and the positive awe group regarding feelings of joy, happiness, fear, and anxiety. Consequently, joy, happiness, fear, and anxiety were included as control variables in subsequent analyses. Specifically, threat-based awe elicited significantly higher levels of threat-related emotions ($p < 0.001$).

Note: $F$-test, $df = (2, 213)$.

To examine the interaction between awe and perceived resource scarcity, a $3 \times 2$ between-subjects ANOVA was conducted with awe (positive awe, threat-based awe, control) and perceived resource scarcity (high vs. low) as independent variables, common ingroup identity as the dependent variable, and fear and anxiety as control variables. The results showed a significant main effect of awe ($p < 0.001$). Post-hoc tests indicated that common ingroup identity scores in both the positive awe group ($M = 6.30, SD = 0.69$) and the threat-based awe group ($M = 5.94, SD = 0.87$) were significantly higher than those in the control group ($M = 5.44, SD = 1.27, p < 0.001$). Furthermore, the positive awe group scored significantly higher than the threat-based awe group ($95\% CI [0.12, 0.60]$). The main effect of perceived resource scarcity was also significant; participants in the high-scarcity group reported lower common ingroup identity scores than those in the low-scarcity group ($M_{high} = 5.69, SD = 1.08$; $M_{low} = 6.07, SD = 0.96, p = 0.004, 95\% CI [0.12, 0.64]$). Crucially, the interaction between awe and perceived resource scarcity was significant. Simple effects analysis revealed that in the positive awe group, there was no significant difference in common ingroup identity between the high and low resource scarcity conditions ($M_{high} = 6.20, SD = 0.80$; $M_{low} = 6.40, SD = 0.57$). Similarly, no significant difference was found in the control group ($M_{high} = 5.41, SD = 1.42$; $M_{low} = 5.46, SD = 1.14$). However, in the threat-based awe group, common ingroup identity scores were significantly lower in the high-scarcity condition than in the low-scarcity condition ($M_{high} = 5.47, SD = 0.74$; $M_{low} = 6.41, SD = 0.72, F = 17.48, p < 0.001, 95\% CI [0.51, 1.37]$).

Existing research suggests that threat-based awe is not merely a negative variant of awe, but rather a complex compound emotion comprising both fear and awe \cite{Chaudhury}. If threat-based awe is treated as a compound emotion, how does awe influence common ingroup identity under these conditions?

A between-subjects ANOVA was performed with awe and perceived resource scarcity as independent variables, common ingroup identity as the dependent variable, and anxiety as a control variable. The main effect of awe was significant ($p < 0.001$). Common ingroup identity scores in the positive awe group ($M = 6.30, SD = 0.69$) and the threat-based awe group ($M = 5.94, SD = 0.87$) were significantly higher than those in the control group ($M = 5.44, SD = 1.27, p < 0.001$ and $p = 0.005, 95\% CI [0.15, 0.83]$, respectively). Additionally, the positive awe group scored significantly higher than the threat-based awe group. The main effect of perceived resource scarcity was also significant, with the high-scarcity group ($M = 5.69, SD = 1.08$) showing lower common ingroup identity scores compared to the low-scarcity group.

6.07, SD = 0.96, Δ M = 0.38, Δ M 95% CI = [0.13, 0.64]) 。

Importantly, the interaction effect between awe and perceived resource scarcity was significant. Simple effects analysis revealed that within the positive awe group, there was no significant difference in common ingroup identity based on perceived resource scarcity (high perceived resource scarcity: $M = 6.20, SD = 0.80$; low perceived resource scarcity: $M = 6.40, SD = 0.57$). Similarly, no significant difference was observed in the neutral control group (high perceived resource scarcity: $M = 5.41, SD = 1.42$; low perceived resource scarcity: $M = 5.46, SD = 1.14$).

However, within the threat-based awe group, the common ingroup identity scores for the high perceived resource scarcity group were significantly lower than those for the low perceived resource scarcity group (high perceived resource scarcity: $M = 5.47, SD = 0.74$; low perceived resource scarcity: $M = 6.41, SD = 0.72$), $p < .001, \eta_p^2 = 0.94, 95\% CI [0.51, 1.37]$. These results suggest that the impact of perceived resource scarcity on common ingroup identity is moderated by the specific type of awe experienced.

3.4 讨论

The results indicate that whether threat-based awe is conceptualized as a variant of awe or as a composite emotion, both positive awe and threat-based awe promote common ingroup identity. Furthermore, high perceived resource scarcity inhibits the promoting effect of threat-based awe on common ingroup identity, thereby supporting the hypothesis.

In previous assessments, measuring common ingroup identity solely through the single indicator of student identity was found to be too narrow; moreover, the measurement items conflated ethnic identity with student identity. To address this, the measurement items were revised to examine common ingroup identity by separately measuring identification with both student status and membership in the Chinese nation.

4 研究

The Impact of State Awe on Common Ingroup Identity: Evidence from Student and Chinese National Identities

This research investigates the influence of state awe on common ingroup identity, utilizing the degree of identification with both "student" and "member of the Chinese nation" as primary indicators. Furthermore, the study examines the moderating role of perceived resource scarcity in the relationship between awe and common ingroup identity to enhance the reliability and robustness of the findings.

Introduction

Common ingroup identity serves as a critical psychological mechanism for reducing intergroup bias and fostering social cohesion. By recategorizing members of different subgroups into a single, more inclusive superordinate group, individuals can extend ingroup favoritism to former outgroup members. This study explores how the complex emotion of awe—often characterized by a sense of vastness and a need for cognitive accommodation—facilitates this process of identity expansion.

The Role of State Awe

Awe is a profound emotion experienced when encountering stimuli that are vast and transcend current mental schemas. Previous research suggests that awe can diminish the "small self," leading individuals to feel more connected to larger entities. In this study, we hypothesize that inducing a state of awe will significantly increase an individual's identification with common ingroup identities. Specifically, we measure this through two distinct yet overlapping identities: the professional/social identity of being a "student" and the broader ethnic/national identity of being a "member of the Chinese nation."

The Moderating Effect of Perceived Resource Scarcity

To further refine the boundary conditions of this effect, we introduce perceived resource scarcity as a potential moderator. Resource scarcity often triggers a competitive mindset and narrows an individual's focus toward immediate self-interest or narrow ingroup protection. By analyzing the interaction between state awe and perceived scarcity, this research aims to determine whether the identity-expanding effects of awe are maintained or attenuated when individuals perceive environmental resources to be limited.

Research Objectives and Methodology

The primary objective of this research is to provide a more nuanced understanding of how awe promotes social integration. By utilizing dual indicators for common ingroup identity—student identity and Chinese national identity—the study ensures a comprehensive assessment of the phenomenon across different levels of social categorization.

The integration of perceived resource scarcity as a moderator serves to:
1. Test the resilience of awe-induced identity expansion under stressful environmental conditions.
2. Provide empirical evidence for the cognitive and emotional mechanisms that drive or inhibit the formation of a common ingroup identity.
3

4.1 样本和设计

This study adopted a two-factor between-subjects design: Threat-based Awe (Presence vs. Absence) and Resource Scarcity (High vs. Low). The dependent variable was measured using scores from the Common Ingroup Identity Scale.

The sample size for this study was estimated using G*Power 3.1 \cite{Faul2009}. Based on related research by \cite{Preston2017}, with a significance level of $\alpha = 0.05$ and a medium effect size ($f = 0.25$), a total of 128 participants was required to achieve a statistical power of $1 - \beta = 0.80$. The actual number of participants recruited was 156. After excluding invalid data—including incomplete responses, excessively short response times, and patterned answering—the final dataset consisted of 142 valid responses. The actual statistical power achieved was 91.97%. The participants' ages ranged from 18 to 35 years. Sensitivity analysis indicated that this sample size provides 80% power to detect an effect size of $f = 0.23$ or larger. Participants were randomly assigned to either the High Resource Scarcity group or the Low Resource Scarcity group, and subsequently exposed to either the Threat-based Awe condition or the control condition.

39 人

Threat-based awe; Low perceived resource scarcity group; High perceived resource scarcity group. All participants volunteered for the experiment and had normal or corrected-to-normal vision with no history of psychological or neurological disorders. Informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to the experiment, and they received monetary compensation upon completion of the study.

4.2 实验材料和流程

Awe was manipulated as follows: after watching the video, participants completed an emotion self-report scale (correlation coefficients were recorded accordingly). Following the manipulation of perceived resource scarcity, a manipulation check for perceived resource scarcity was conducted, yielding an internal consistency coefficient of $\alpha = [VALUE]$. Subsequently, participants completed a Common Ingroup Identity Scale \cite{2018} [TABLE:2018], in which the common ingroup was defined as being "a member of the Chinese nation."

The scale included items such as: "In our school, students from both my own class and other classes are all students of this school"; "As a student of this school, I feel very happy"; "In our school, whether they are in my class or others, the identity of being a student here is very important to me"; "Regardless of whether they belong to my own ethnic group or another, all students are members of the Chinese nation"; "As a member of the Chinese nation, I feel very happy"; and "The identity of being a member of the Chinese nation is very important to me." The scale utilized a Likert-type format (e.g., 1 = "Strongly Disagree"). In the present study, the correlation coefficient for the Common Ingroup Identity Scale based on student identity was $[VALUE]$, while the correlation coefficient for the scale based on Chinese national identity was $[VALUE]$. Finally, demographic information such as gender was collected.

4.3 结果

Results

Manipulation Check

A one-way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) was conducted with the emotion-priming condition as the independent variable and participants' levels of awe, positive emotion, and negative emotion as the dependent variables. The results revealed significant differences in awe across the positive awe group, the threat-based awe group, and the control group, $F(2, 189) = 25.69, p < .001, \eta_p^2 = .21$. Post-hoc multiple comparisons indicated that the awe experience scores for the positive awe group ($M = 4.69, SD = 1.35$) were significantly higher than those of the control group ($M = 3.14, SD = 1.59, p_{Bonferroni} < .001, \text{Cohen's } d = 1.05$). Similarly, scores for the threat-based awe group ($M = 4.62, SD = 1.46$) were significantly higher than those of the control group ($p_{Bonferroni} < .001, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.97$). No significant difference was found between the positive awe group and the threat-based awe group ($p_{Bonferroni} = .999$).

Regarding positive emotion, significant differences were observed among the three groups, $F(2, 189) = 27.23, p < .001, \eta_p^2 = .22$. Post-hoc comparisons showed that the positive emotion scores for the positive awe group ($M = 4.03, SD = 1.52$) were significantly higher than those of the threat-based awe group ($M = 2.45, SD = 1.68, p_{Bonferroni} < .001, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.99$) and the control group ($M = 3.27, SD = 1.50, p_{Bonferroni} = .012, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.50$).

For negative emotion, significant differences were also found, $F(2, 189) = 71.54, p < .001, \eta_p^2 = .43$. Post-hoc comparisons revealed that the negative emotion scores for the threat-based awe group ($M = 4.35, SD = 1.53$) were significantly higher than those of the positive awe group ($M = 2.08, SD = 1.09, p_{Tamhane} < .001, \text{Cohen's } d = 1.71$) and the control group ($M = 2.10, SD = 1.32, p_{Tamhane} < .001, \text{Cohen's } d = 1.57$). These results indicate that the manipulations for positive awe and threat-based awe were successful.

Furthermore, a between-subjects ANOVA was conducted to test the manipulation of perceived resource scarcity. This analysis utilized a 2 (Awe Type: positive awe vs. threat-based awe) $\times$ 2 (Perceived Resource Scarcity: high vs. low) design.

结果

The effect was not significant. However, the main effect of perceived resource scarcity was significant, such that participants in the high-scarcity condition perceived resources to be scarcer. The interaction between awe and perceived resource scarcity was not significant, indicating that the manipulation of perceived resource scarcity was successful.

To test for differences in the emotions induced by different awe conditions, a one-way ANOVA was conducted with the awe condition as the independent variable and various emotions as dependent variables. The results revealed significant differences in levels of happiness and anxiety among the positive awe, threat-based awe, and control groups. Consequently, it is necessary to control for happiness and well-being in subsequent analyses. Further tests confirmed the distinct emotional profiles elicited by the positive awe and threat-based awe conditions.

Note: $F$-test, $df = (2, 217)$.

Regarding student identity, we examined the interaction between awe and perceived resource scarcity. A two-way ANOVA was conducted with awe and perceived resource scarcity as independent variables, student identity as the dependent variable, and fear and anxiety as control variables. The results showed a significant main effect of awe ($p < 0.001$). Specifically, identity scores in both the positive awe and threat-based awe groups were significantly higher than those in the control group ($M_{pos} = 6.27, SD = 0.69$; $M_{control} = 5.36, SD = 1.05, p < 0.001$; $M_{threat} = 5.79, SD = 0.90, p = 0.003$). Furthermore, a significant difference was observed between the positive awe and threat-based awe groups. The main effect of perceived resource scarcity was also significant; compared to the low-scarcity group, the high-scarcity group reported lower identity scores ($M_{high} = 5.60, SD = 1.01$; $M_{low} = 6.01, SD = 0.86, 95\% CI [0.14, \dots]$). Importantly, the interaction between awe and perceived resource scarcity was significant ($F = 3.68$). Simple effects analysis revealed that in the positive awe group, the difference in identity scores between the high and low resource scarcity conditions was not significant ($M_{high} = 6.19, SD = 0.76$; $M_{low} = 6.35, SD = 0.61$). Similarly, in the control group, no significant difference was found ($M_{high} = 5.25, SD = 1.07$; $M_{low} = 5.47, SD = 1.03$).

However, within the threat-based awe group, identity scores were significantly lower in the high perceived resource scarcity condition than in the low scarcity condition ($M_{high} = 5.38, SD = 0.93$; $M_{low} = 6.22, SD = 0.63, p < 0.001, \eta_p^2 = 0.84, 95\% CI [0.43, \dots]$). This suggests that threat-based awe moderates the impact of perceived resource scarcity on student identity. Regarding Chinese national identity, we analyzed the interaction between awe and perceived resource scarcity using a similar ANOVA framework, with common ingroup identity based on Chinese national membership as the dependent variable. The main effect of awe was significant ($F = 18.36, p < 0.001$). Both the positive awe and threat-based awe groups had significantly higher common ingroup identity scores than the control group ($M_{pos} = 6.57, SD = 0.57$; $M_{control} = 5.74, SD = 0.91, p < 0.001, \eta_p^2 = 0.83, 95\% CI [0.56, \dots]$; $M_{threat} = 6.22, SD = 0.97, 95\% CI [0.48, 0.70]$). Scores in the positive awe group were significantly higher than those in the threat-based awe group (difference $= 0.35$). Additionally, the main effect of perceived resource scarcity was significant, with the high-scarcity group scoring lower than the low-scarcity group ($M_{high} = 6.02, SD = 0.97$; $M_{low} \dots$).

6.33, SD = 0.79, Δ M = 0.31, Δ M 95% CI = [0.07, 0.51]) 。

Importantly, the interaction effect between awe and perceived resource scarcity was significant ($p = 0.006$). Simple effects analysis revealed that within the positive awe group, there was no significant difference in Chinese national identity across levels of perceived resource scarcity (high perceived resource scarcity: $M = 6.54, SD = 0.63$; low perceived resource scarcity: $M = 6.60, SD = 0.52$).

Regarding perceived resource scarcity, the scores were comparable between groups (high perceived resource scarcity: $M = 5.72, SD = 0.87$; low perceived resource scarcity: $M = 5.76, SD = 0.96$). However, within the threat-based awe group, the scores for the high perceived resource scarcity group were significantly lower than those of the low perceived resource scarcity group (high perceived resource scarcity: $M = 5.82, SD = 1.13$; low perceived resource scarcity: $M = 6.51, SD = 0.82$; $p < 0.001, 95\% CI [0.42, 0.96]$). This indicates that perceived resource scarcity significantly moderates the impact on Chinese national identity.

4.4 讨论

Results and Discussion

Awe has been found to promote common ingroup identity. However, this effect is moderated by the perception of resource scarcity. Under conditions of high perceived resource scarcity, threat-based awe results in lower levels of identification with both student identity and membership in the Chinese nation. Specifically, high perceived resource scarcity inhibits the facilitative effect of threat-based awe on common ingroup identity. These findings provide further empirical support for the proposed hypothesis.

1 和假设

However, the awe manipulation methods and the measurement of common ingroup identity across these studies were essentially consistent. Consequently, the stability of the obtained results may stem from this methodological uniformity. To further verify the reliability of these findings, this study varied the awe manipulation method and utilized scores from the Chinese National Identity Scale as the metric for common ingroup identity. This approach allowed for a more robust examination of the impact of awe on common ingroup identity.

5 研究

The Impact of State Awe on Common Ingroup Identity: Based on Chinese National Identity

This study investigates the influence of state awe on common ingroup identity, specifically within the context of Chinese national identity. By employing a recall-based writing task to manipulate the emotional state of awe, the research utilizes the Chinese National Identity Scale to examine changes in common ingroup identity. Furthermore, the study aims to re-verify the moderating role of perceived resource scarcity in the relationship between awe and common ingroup identity.

1. Introduction

Awe is a complex emotion experienced when individuals encounter vast stimuli that transcend their current mental schemas and require cognitive accommodation. Recent research in social psychology has highlighted the prosocial effects of awe, particularly its ability to diminish the "small self" and foster a sense of connection to larger entities. This study extends this line of inquiry by exploring how state awe influences the formation and strengthening of a common ingroup identity—a psychological mechanism where members of different subgroups recategorize themselves as part of a single, higher-order group.

2. Methodology

To investigate these dynamics, the research design incorporates an experimental manipulation of awe followed by an assessment of national identity.

2.1 Manipulation of State Awe

Participants were randomly assigned to either an experimental group or a control group. In the experimental group, state awe was induced using a "recall writing task." Participants were asked to describe a specific moment in which they felt a profound sense of awe—characterized by a sense of vastness and a need for accommodation. The control group was asked to write about a neutral, everyday event. This method is a validated approach for eliciting specific emotional states in laboratory settings.

2.2 Measurement of Common Ingroup Identity

Following the manipulation, all participants completed the Chinese National Identity Scale. This scale serves as a proxy for common ingroup identity, measuring the extent to which individuals perceive themselves as part of the overarching "Chinese Nation" rather than focusing solely on narrower sub-identities.

3. The Moderating Role of Perceived Resource Scarcity

A critical component of this research is the examination of perceived resource scarcity as a moderating variable. Resource scarcity often triggers competitive mindsets and heightens intergroup boundaries. This study seeks to re-verify whether the positive impact of awe on common ingroup identity is attenuated when individuals perceive resources to be scarce.

The theoretical framework suggests that while awe typically promotes collective orientation, the psychological pressure of scarcity

5.1 样本和设计

This study employed a two-factor between-subjects design: Threat-based Awe (Presence vs. Absence) and Resource Scarcity (High vs. Low). The dependent variable was measured using scores from the Chinese National Identity Scale.

The sample size for this study was estimated using G*Power 3.1 \cite{Faul2009}. Based on related research by \cite{Preston2017}, with a significance level of $\alpha = 0.05$ and a medium effect size ($f = 0.25$), a total of 128 participants was required to achieve a statistical power of $1 - \beta = 0.80$. The actual number of participants recruited was 158. After excluding invalid data—including incomplete responses, excessively short completion times, and patterned responding—the final valid dataset consisted of 141 participants, yielding an actual statistical power of 91.97%. The participants' ages ranged from 18 to 25 years. Sensitivity analysis indicated that this sample size provides 80% power to detect an effect size of $f = 0.237$ or larger. Participants were randomly assigned to one of four experimental conditions: Threat-based Awe/High Resource Scarcity, Threat-based Awe/Low Resource Scarcity, No Awe/High Resource Scarcity, or No Awe/Low Resource Scarcity.

36 人

Threat-based awe; Low perceived resource scarcity group; High perceived resource scarcity group. All participants volunteered for the experiment and had normal or corrected-to-normal vision with no known impairments. Participants provided informed consent prior to the experiment and received monetary compensation upon completion.

5.2 实验材料和流程

We employed the recall-writing paradigm to manipulate awe (Gordon et al., 2017). Participants were randomly assigned to one of three groups: positive awe, threat-based awe, or a control group. The manipulation materials were presented as follows: For the positive awe condition, awe was defined as an intense feeling of both reverence and fear, often elicited by vast and beautiful landscapes or natural wonders—such as towering mountains, expansive vistas, or spectacular waterfalls—as well as by individuals who have brought about significant positive change, such as Nelson Mandela and his role in ending apartheid in South Africa. For the threat-based awe condition, awe was defined as an intense feeling of reverence and fear elicited by natural disasters, such as earthquakes, hurricanes, or volcanic eruptions, or by individuals who caused large-scale destruction, such as Adolf Hitler and the terror he instilled during World War II. In the control group, participants read materials related to mundane daily life. After reading their respective instructions, participants in the positive and threat-based awe groups were asked to recall and describe a personal experience similar to the provided definitions, while the control group described their routine activities from that morning until the evening. Following the recall-writing task, participants completed an emotion self-report scale to assess the manipulation's effectiveness.

Next, we manipulated perceived resource scarcity and conducted a manipulation check; the perceived resource scarcity questionnaire demonstrated high internal consistency. Subsequently, participants completed the Chinese National Identity Scale. Based on Phinney’s formulation, items were adapted to statements such as "I have a strong sense of belonging to the Chinese nation." This scale encompasses two dimensions—exploration and commitment—and uses a Likert scale ranging from "strongly disagree" to "strongly agree," where higher scores indicate a higher degree of Chinese national identity. In the present study, the questionnaire exhibited strong internal consistency. Finally, participants provided demographic information, including age, gender, and ethnicity.

5.3 结果

A one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted with emotional priming as the independent variable and participants' levels of awe, positive emotion, and negative emotion as the dependent variables. The results revealed significant differences in awe across the positive awe group, the threat-based awe group, and the control group ($F = 18.27, p < 0.001, \eta_p^2 = 0.11$). Post-hoc multiple comparisons indicated that the awe scores in the positive awe group ($M = 4.09, SD = 1.33$) were significantly higher than those in the control group ($M = 3.11, SD = 1.10, p_{Bonferroni} < 0.001, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.80$). Similarly, scores in the threat-based awe group ($M = 4.22, SD = 1.21$) were also significantly higher than those in the control group ($p_{Bonferroni} < 0.001, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.96$). No significant difference was found between the positive awe group and the threat-based awe group ($p_{Bonferroni} = 0.999$).

Regarding positive emotion, significant differences were observed among the positive awe, threat-based awe, and control groups ($F = 7.38, p < 0.001, \eta_p^2 = 0.05$). Specifically, the positive emotion scores in the positive awe group ($M = 4.39, SD = 1.34$) were significantly higher than those in both the threat-based awe group ($M = 3.61, SD = 1.58, p_{Tamhane} = 0.005, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.53$) and the control group ($M = 3.68, SD = 1.16, p_{Tamhane} = 0.002, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.57$).

Furthermore, significant differences were found in negative emotion across the positive awe, threat-based awe, and control groups ($F = 16.82, p < 0.001, \eta_p^2 = 0.10$). Post-hoc comparisons showed that negative emotion scores in the threat-based awe group ($M = 4.02, SD = 1.11$) were significantly higher than those in the positive awe group ($M = 3.21, SD = 1.22, p_{Bonferroni} < 0.001, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.69$) and the control group ($M = 2.97, SD = 1.09, p_{Bonferroni} < 0.001, \text{Cohen's } d = 0.95$). These findings demonstrate that the experimental manipulations for positive awe and threat-based awe were successful.

Finally, a between-subjects ANOVA was performed using resource scarcity manipulation checks as the dependent variable, with threat-based awe, high perceived resource scarcity, and low perceived resource scarcity as factors.

结果

The interaction effect between awe and perceived resource scarcity was not significant, although the main effect of perceived resource scarcity was significant. Specifically, individuals in the high-scarcity condition perceived resources to be scarcer. The manipulation of perceived resource scarcity was successful. To test whether different awe conditions induced distinct emotional states, a one-way ANOVA was conducted with awe as the independent variable. The results revealed significant differences in levels of happiness and anxiety among the positive awe, threat-based awe, and control groups. Consequently, happiness and well-being must be controlled for in subsequent analyses.

The results of the difference tests for emotions induced by different awe conditions are as follows: for threat-based awe, the mean score was 4.74.

Note: F-test, $df = (2, 217)$.

To examine the interaction between awe and perceived resource scarcity, a $3 \times 2$ between-subjects ANOVA was conducted with awe and perceived resource scarcity as independent variables, Chinese national identity as the dependent variable, and happiness, fear, and anxiety as control variables. The results showed a significant main effect of awe ($F(2, 217) = 5.68, p = 0.004, \eta_p^2 = 0.05$). Post-hoc tests indicated that the national identity scores in the positive awe group ($M = 4.79, SD = 0.58$) were significantly higher than those in the control group ($M = 4.46, SD = 0.45, p < 0.001, 95\% CI [0.12, 0.47]$). There was no significant difference between the threat-based awe group ($M = 4.56, SD = 0.65$) and the control group ($p > 0.05$), while the difference between the positive awe group and the threat-based awe group was marginally significant ($p = 0.051$). The main effect of perceived resource scarcity was also significant ($F(1, 217) = 20.97, p < 0.001, \eta_p^2 = 0.09$), with participants in the low-scarcity group ($M = 4.75, SD = 0.57$) scoring significantly higher on national identity than those in the high-scarcity group ($M = 4.46, SD = 0.55, 95\% CI [0.19, 0.47]$).

Crucially, the interaction between awe and perceived resource scarcity was significant ($F(2, 217) = 10.30, p < 0.001, \eta_p^2 = 0.09$). Simple effects analysis revealed that in the positive awe group, there was no significant difference in national identity between the high-scarcity ($M = 4.71, SD = 0.55$) and low-scarcity conditions ($M = 4.88, SD = 0.61, F(1, 217) = 1.78, p > 0.05$). Similarly, in the control group, no significant difference was found between high scarcity ($M = 4.45, SD = 0.36$) and low scarcity ($M = 4.47, SD = 0.52, F(1, 217) = 0.08, p > 0.05$). However, in the threat-based awe group, national identity scores were significantly lower in the high-scarcity condition ($M = 4.20, SD = 0.60$) compared to the low-scarcity condition ($M = 4.93, SD = 0.48, F(1, 217) = 37.10, p < 0.001, \eta_p^2 = 0.73, 95\% CI [0.53, 1.04]$).

The impact of perceived resource scarcity on identity.

5.4 讨论

We modified the manipulation method for awe and utilized the Chinese National Identity Scale to examine common ingroup identity.

5 总讨论

This research investigates the impact of awe and perceived resource scarcity on common ingroup identity. Through a series of studies, we examined the relationships between trait awe, perceived resource scarcity, and common ingroup identity using questionnaires. Furthermore, by manipulating state awe and perceived resource scarcity and employing various measures of common ingroup identity, we explored how these factors interact to influence social categorization.

Regarding trait awe, the results indicate that awe significantly and positively predicts common ingroup identity. However, perceived resource scarcity plays a critical moderating role in this relationship: high levels of perceived resource scarcity weaken the promotional effect of trait awe on common ingroup identity.

Regarding state awe, the findings reveal a more nuanced interaction. Under conditions of high perceived resource scarcity, only positive awe (awe characterized by wonder and appreciation) promotes common ingroup identity. In contrast, under conditions of low perceived resource scarcity, both positive awe and threat-based awe (awe characterized by fear or powerlessness) are effective in enhancing common ingroup identity. These results suggest that the availability of resources is a boundary condition for how different types of awe experiences foster a sense of shared identity.

5.1 理论与实践启示

First, this study reveals the promoting effect of awe on common ingroup identity, providing support for the Common Ingroup Identity Model. This model posits that intergroup interdependence, group differentiation, environmental factors, and pre-contact experiences influence an individual's cognitive representation of group membership \cite{Gaertner1993}. Within pre-contact experiences, emotional priming affects recategorization \cite{Gaertner1993}. For example, similar emotional responses to common events can enhance the categorization of the self as a member of a specific group \cite{Kleef2016}.

This result is also supported by previous research (2023). Regarding Chinese national identity and student identity, both positive awe and threat-based awe are capable of promoting common ingroup identity, which supports the hypothesis. In terms of Chinese national identity and student identity, there is an inconsistency regarding threat-based awe; specifically, while positive awe appears higher than threat-based awe in promoting national identity, the difference between the two is not significant. This may be because, when facing threat-based awe such as floods or hurricanes, individuals seek a sense of belonging and security by establishing connections with a more powerful group. The finding that awe facilitates common ingroup identity provides a more direct and effective explanation for how awe promotes intergroup relations. Previous research on the impact of awe on intergroup relations has primarily focused on how awe reduces stereotypes or increases prosocial behavior by enhancing a sense of connection \cite{Vingerhoets}. Few studies have focused on promoting intergroup relations by changing group identity representations. This study explores the promoting effect of awe on common ingroup identity, which, by constructing a superordinate identity, transforms former outgroup members into ingroup members. This not only reduces outgroup bias but also strengthens ingroup cohesion, thereby promoting intergroup relations more directly and effectively.

This study addresses the conditions under which awe is more conducive to common ingroup identity, contributing to a better understanding of awe's role in promoting intergroup relations while accumulating experience for crisis management. It was found that high perceived resource scarcity buffers the impact of trait awe on common ingroup identity. The research further discovered that under positive awe conditions, there was no difference in common ingroup identity between high and low perceived resource scarcity. However, high perceived resource scarcity inhibited the promoting effect of threat-based awe on common ingroup identity. This is consistent with previous research \cite{Miao2023}, which found that in low common threat contexts, there was no difference in intergroup cooperation between high and low perceived resource scarcity groups, whereas high perceived resource scarcity weakened the promoting effect of common threats on intergroup cooperation. According to the Common Ingroup Identity Model, intergroup cooperation promotes common ingroup identity \cite{Gaertner1993}. This also aligns with empirical observations of public attitude changes during the pandemic: in the early stages, the public was highly cooperative with home quarantine policies; however, after a period of isolation, people perceived life inconveniences and resource scarcity, leading to relatively negative attitudes toward quarantine.

Perceived resource scarcity only moderated the relationship between threat-based awe and common ingroup identity, possibly because the manipulation materials for perceived resource scarcity were unrelated to the priming materials for positive awe. In the study, perceived resource scarcity was manipulated by inducing a sense of deprivation regarding survival resources, while positive awe was primed by having participants watch videos of magnificent natural landscapes. While vast natural landscapes manipulate positive awe, they are unrelated to the perceived scarcity of survival resources. Under positive awe conditions, the common ingroup identity scores of participants in the high perceived resource scarcity group were lower than those in the low group, but the difference was not significant. However, the perception of survival resource scarcity is related to threats such as earthquakes and hurricanes. Under conditions of high perceived resource scarcity—especially following the COVID-19 pandemic—threat-based awe priming makes the participants' experience more vivid, making them more likely to focus on current scarce resources and personal interests.

The sense of smallness and self-transcendence triggered by awe can hinder its ability to promote common ingroup identity. Although certain scenarios that trigger perceived resource scarcity, such as a pandemic, may also trigger threat-based awe, there is a fundamental difference between perceived resource scarcity and threat-based awe. Threat-based awe emphasizes a strong emotional experience of fear and wonder when an individual faces a threat \cite{Gordon2017, 2024, 2023}, whereas perceived resource scarcity emphasizes the subjective feeling that existing resources cannot meet required needs \cite{Mullainathan2013}. When watching videos of floods, earthquakes, and hurricanes, one may perceive a threat and experience emotions of fear and awe without necessarily perceiving resource scarcity, as the latter requires a sense that supply cannot meet demand. Existing research has found that resource scarcity can moderate the relationship between earthquake-based common threats and intergroup cooperation, which indirectly suggests that perceived resource scarcity and threat-based awe are two independent concepts.

In the manipulation check for perceived resource scarcity, using perceived resource scarcity as the dependent variable, the main effect of awe was not significant, nor was the interaction between awe and perceived resource scarcity. This further indicates that in this study, threat-based awe did not lead to perceived resource scarcity. Concepts regarding threat-based awe include awe variants and compound emotions \cite{Chaudhury2022, Gordon2017, Keltner2003}. \cite{Keltner2003} proposed that the characteristics of the object eliciting awe may lead to different types of awe variants: awe toward individuals displaying exceptional ability includes admiration, while awe triggered by floods includes fear and belongs to negative awe. Recent research suggests that threat-based awe is a compound emotion that includes both positive and negative elements \cite{Chaudhury2022}. \cite{Chaudhury2022} found that threat-based awe is perceived to some extent as a combination of awe and fear. This study found that whether threat-based awe is viewed as a negative variant of awe or a compound emotion, it can promote common ingroup identity, and perceived resource scarcity plays a moderating role.

This may be because fear can bring about a sense of vastness, which in turn makes the self feel smaller \cite{Vasey2012}. This is consistent with the self-diminishment hypothesis of awe \cite{Jiang2024, 2023}, which prompts individuals to integrate into the social collective \cite{Chen2008}, enhance a sense of unity with others to satisfy the need for belonging \cite{Waugh2006}, and alleviate internal loneliness and helplessness \cite{Stellar2017}. Under conditions of high perceived resource scarcity, fear prompts individuals to develop a series of behaviors aimed at self-survival to cope with threats, focusing on their own needs. This study's finding that awe promotes common ingroup identity suggests that in educational practice, fostering students' awe toward Chinese culture, historical events, and national spirit can allow them to fully appreciate the vast territory, inclusive culture, and resilient spirit of the Chinese nation. This enhances cultural confidence and elevates common ingroup identity. Similarly, presenting vast and magnificent natural landscapes should be used.

Fostering identification with a community with a shared future for mankind through national culture and other means can enhance students' sense of global responsibility and prosocial behavior, strengthen cooperation, and improve the ability to cope with risks.

The study found that high perceived resource scarcity buffers the promoting effect of awe on common ingroup identity. In social environments with resource tension, especially when facing threats like floods, attention should be paid to the fairness of resource distribution to avoid competition and low common ingroup identity caused by unequal resource possession.

5.2 不足与研究展望

This study measured explicit common ingroup identity solely through the lens of "Chinese National Identity." This measurement approach is relatively singular and makes it difficult to examine common ingroup identity at a behavioral level. Furthermore, the association between the specific identities examined and the awe priming was weak, and explicit measures of Chinese national identity may be subject to social desirability bias. Future research could, on the one hand, employ more diverse methods to measure common ingroup identity—such as social distance, relational closeness, and "feeling thermometers" \cite{2024}. Researchers could also investigate different levels of common ingroup identity, including ethnic identity, national identity, or provincial and city-level identities. On the other hand, future studies could measure implicit common ingroup identity or utilize measures of prosocial behavior, such as resource allocation, to examine common ingroup identity from a behavioral perspective.

The participants in this study were college students, and the relationship between awe and common ingroup identity among other age groups was not explored. Li et al. \cite{2024} suggest that adolescents exhibit higher levels of egocentrism, focusing more on themselves and less on the external world. Therefore, it remains to be seen whether awe similarly facilitates common ingroup identity within adolescent populations.

Future research could involve adolescent participants to investigate the relationship between awe and common ingroup identity. This relationship may also be moderated by variables other than perceived resource scarcity. For instance, collectivist cultures emphasize group harmony, whereas individualistic cultures focus on individual experience; these cultural orientations may influence the impact of awe on common ingroup identity. Future studies could further explore these factors to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of how awe affects common ingroup identity. In the present study, perceived resource scarcity was manipulated by referencing the shortage of survival resources during the COVID-19 pandemic, while positive awe was manipulated using videos of natural landscapes. However, the scarcity of medical resources in the pandemic context is not closely linked to natural landscapes, which may explain why perceived resource scarcity failed to play a moderating role in the positive awe condition. Furthermore, manipulating resource scarcity within a pandemic context might trigger threat-based awe. Future research could replace the manipulation materials for perceived resource scarcity with the depletion of natural resources—such as the disappearance of natural landscapes due to global warming—to further explore the moderating role of perceived resource scarcity.

6 结论

This research primarily yields the following conclusions: Awe promotes the formation of a common ingroup identity. Furthermore, perceived resource scarcity moderates this promotional effect. Specifically, high levels of perceived resource scarcity weaken the positive impact of trait awe on common ingroup identity and inhibit the promotional effect of threat-based awe on common ingroup identity.

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The Relationship Between Awe and Prosocial Behavior: The Mediating Role of Self-Other Overlap

Introduction

Awe is a complex emotion experienced when individuals encounter something vast that transcends their current mental schemas. Recent research in positive psychology has increasingly focused on how this "small self" perspective influences social dynamics. Specifically, scholars have begun to explore the mechanisms through which awe promotes prosociality—the intent to benefit others. Drawing on the theoretical framework established by Waugh and Fredrickson (2006), this study investigates the psychological pathways connecting the experience of awe to helping behaviors.

Theoretical Framework

The "Broaden-and-Build" theory suggests that positive emotions expand an individual's momentary thought-action repertoire, which in turn serves to build enduring personal resources. Awe, in particular, is unique among positive emotions because it diminishes the focus on the individual self. This reduction in self-importance is often accompanied by a sense of being part of a larger entity, a phenomenon that facilitates a shift in perspective from the individual to the collective.

Waugh and Fredrickson (2006) posited that such experiences could lead to increased "self-other overlap." This concept refers to the degree to which an individual perceives a shared identity or interconnectedness with others. When the boundaries between the self and others become blurred, the well-being of others is treated with the same priority as one's own, thereby fostering a natural inclination toward prosocial actions.

The Mediating Role of Self-Other Overlap

While previous studies have established a correlation between awe and helping behavior, the internal mechanism remains a subject of active investigation. We propose that self-other overlap serves as a critical mediator in this relationship.

The experience of awe prompts a cognitive shift: as the "self" shrinks in the face of vastness, the perceived distance between the self and the "other" decreases. This heightened sense of oneness or interconnectedness makes the needs of others more salient and increases the likelihood of providing assistance. In this model, awe does not simply trigger a reflexive helping response; rather, it reshapes the individual's social cognition, making them feel more integrated with the people around them.

Conclusion

By integrating the findings of Waugh and Fredrickson (2006) with contemporary research on prosociality, this paper argues that the transformative power of awe lies in its ability to foster self-other overlap. Understanding this mediating role provides deeper insight into

Positive emotions, other overlap, complex understanding formation relationship.

Journal Positive Psychology (2021). nfluence onspicuous onsumption: ediating Journal Psychological Science (2021).

Reverence Prevents Materialism: The Inhibitory Effect of Awe on Conspicuous Consumption and the Mediating Role of the "Small Self"

Abstract

In contemporary consumer culture, conspicuous consumption has become a prevalent social phenomenon. This study explores the psychological mechanisms by which the emotion of awe inhibits the tendency toward conspicuous consumption. Drawing upon the "Small Self" theory, we hypothesize that experiencing awe leads individuals to perceive themselves as smaller and less central, thereby reducing the desire to signal status through luxury goods. Through a series of empirical tests, we demonstrate that awe significantly decreases conspicuous consumption intentions compared to neutral emotional states. Furthermore, we identify the "Small Self" as a critical mediator in this relationship. These findings contribute to our understanding of how complex emotions influence consumer behavior and suggest that fostering awe may serve as an effective psychological intervention to promote more sustainable and less status-driven consumption patterns.

1. Introduction

As society evolves, consumption has transcended its primary function of satisfying basic needs, increasingly serving as a tool for social signaling and identity construction. Conspicuous consumption—the practice of purchasing luxury goods and services to publicly display wealth and social status—has attracted significant attention from researchers in psychology and marketing. While such behavior may provide temporary social validation, it is often linked to decreased long-term well-being and increased financial strain.

Recent research in positive psychology has begun to investigate how specific emotions can reshape consumer preferences. Among these, "awe"—defined as the emotion experienced when encountering something vast that challenges one's existing mental structures—stands out for its profound impact on the self-concept. Unlike happiness or pride, awe is uniquely characterized by the "Small Self" effect, where individuals feel a diminished sense of self-importance in the face of something greater than themselves.

This paper investigates whether the experience of awe can inhibit the urge to engage in conspicuous consumption. We propose that by inducing a "Small Self," awe shifts focus away from self-enhancement and status-seeking, thereby reducing the inclination to flaunt wealth.

2. Theoretical Framework and Hypotheses

2.1 The Nature of Awe and Conspicuous Consumption

Awe is a complex emotion often triggered by nature, art, or extraordinary human feats. According to the prototypical model of awe, it involves two core components: perceived vastness and a need for accommodation. Previous studies have shown that awe can increase prosocial behavior and improve life satisfaction. In the context of consumer behavior, we argue that

Journal Positive Psychology, Zhao, (2023). prosocial effect: mediating small selfand authentic self.

The Prosocial Effects of Awe: The Roles of the "Small Self" and the "True Self"

Introduction

Awe is a complex emotion experienced when individuals encounter vast stimuli that transcend their current mental schemas and require cognitive accommodation. In recent years, the prosocial effects of awe have become a central focus in the field of positive psychology. Research consistently demonstrates that awe can significantly promote prosocial behaviors, such as increased generosity, helpfulness, and ethical decision-making.

[FIGURE:1]

The Mediating Role of the "Small Self"

A primary mechanism explaining the prosocial effects of awe is the "small self" hypothesis. When individuals experience awe—whether triggered by the vastness of nature, profound architectural feats, or exceptional human achievements—they perceive themselves as smaller, less significant, and less central to the universe. This reduction in self-importance, or the "small self," shifts the individual's focus away from personal concerns and toward the needs of the collective.

By diminishing the salience of the individual ego, awe facilitates a sense of connection to a larger social or cosmic entity. This psychological shift reduces selfish motivations and encourages individuals to act in ways that benefit others, thereby enhancing social cohesion and cooperation.

The Role of the "True Self"

Beyond the "small self," recent theoretical developments suggest that the "true self" also plays a critical role in the relationship between awe and prosociality. The true self refers to the core, authentic essence of an individual, which is often associated with intrinsic values and moral character.

Experiences of awe can trigger a process of self-transcendence that allows individuals to align their actions with their true self. When the superficial ego is silenced by the vastness of an awe-inspiring stimulus, the underlying moral values of the true self become more accessible. Consequently, individuals are more likely to engage in prosocial behaviors that reflect their authentic moral identity.

Integration and Future Directions

The interplay between the "small self" and the "true self" provides a comprehensive framework for understanding how awe fosters prosociality. While the "small self" explains the reduction of ego-centric barriers, the "true self" explains the activation of intrinsic moral motivations.

[TABLE:1]

Future research should continue to explore the boundary conditions of these effects. For instance, the valence of awe—whether it is positive (based on beauty) or negative (based on threat)—may differentially impact the "small self

Common ingroup identity intergroup helping:The mediating effect intergroup threat.

Psychological Research, (2018). Common Ingroup Identity and Willingness to Provide Intergroup Help: The Mediating Role of Intergroup Threat (2024). Psychological Effects and Influencing Factors of Common Ingroup Identity. Journal of Psychological Science (2024).

Psychological Effects and Influencing Factors of Common Ingroup Identity

impact common ingroup identity: moderating perceived resource scarcity Xiaolin Yiran Yixin

( 1 Department of Psychology, Northwest Normal University, Lanzhou 730070, China )

( 2 Northwest Normal University Center for Education Development in Northwest Ethnic Minority Areas, Lanzhou 730070, China )

Lanzhou Dongfang School, Lanzhou 730070, China

Abstract

China multi-ethnic nation rapid economic development increasingly divers social structure. impact Western mainstream culture traditional culture confusion conflict among individuals resulting collision different values subcultures various ethnic groups addition international situation complex volatile, increasingly fierce competition among nations frequent global crises epidemics, earthquakes, climate change, terrorism, nuclear threat times, unity plays crucial force national development ethnic revival. different ethnic groups, forming common group identity enhance social cohesion improve intergroup relations.

Common ingroup identity refers assigning superordinate identity originally independent groups, transforming cognitive representation group members subgroups common ingroup, extending positive feelings ingroup members toward former outgroup members Previous research factors influencing common group identity focused cognitive behavioral perspectives, intergroup cooperation perceived similarity promote common ingroup identity.

However, studies focused impact common ingroup identity boundary conditions. study examined impact common group identity boundary conditions through experiments.

Study tilized questionnaire measure relationships between trait common group identity, perceived resource scarcity.

Study manipulated perceived resource scarcity explore perceived resource scarcity relationship between common ingroup identity.

Study adjusted measurement

method

common ingroup identity investigated influence perceived resource

scarcity common ingroup identity. Study employed modified induction paradigm measured common ingroup identity using Chinese national identity scales, while adopting multitrait-multimethod approach enhance reliability findings. findings revealed participants group exhibited higher common ingroup identity those control group, indicating promote common ingroup identity.

Studies identified perceived resource scarcity moderating factor between common group identity.

Specifically, perceived resource scarcity weakened promoting effect common ingroup identity, compared perceived resource scarcity.

Moreover, under conditions perceived resource scarcity, individuals negative group showed lower common ingroup identity those positive control groups. finding expand research perspective ingroup identity strengthen group cohesion.

Keyword

positive threat-based perceived resource scarcity, common ingroup identity